QUOTE(Amlord @ Dec 19 2005, 08:58 PM)
I think you need to make up your mind whether I am a partisan spin doctor or a "very thoughtful and intelligent person". Inquiring minds want to know

.
Depends on the day of the month... just kidding

Ok on to your post...
QUOTE(Amlord)
The President came out and said that his legal team had reviewed this and they said it was ok. He did not elaborate on the legal justification (this has been widely criticized) and thus I had to do my own digging.
Ok, allow me to cite a press conference today where Alberto Gonzales
spoke on this subject. First Gonzales claims that the "authorization of force" by Congress allows Bush the legal authority to do this:
QUOTE
Now, in terms of legal authorities, the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act provides -- requires a court order before engaging in this kind of surveillance that I've just discussed and the President announced on Saturday, unless there is somehow -- there is -- unless otherwise authorized by statute or by Congress. That's what the law requires. Our position is, is that the authorization to use force, which was passed by the Congress in the days following September 11th, constitutes that other authorization, that other statute by Congress, to engage in this kind of signals intelligence.
Now, that -- one might argue, now, wait a minute, there's nothing in the authorization to use force that specifically mentions electronic surveillance. Let me take you back to a case that the Supreme Court reviewed this past -- in 2004, the Hamdi decision. As you remember, in that case, Mr. Hamdi was a U.S. citizen who was contesting his detention by the United States government. What he said was that there is a statute, he said, that specifically prohibits the detention of American citizens without permission, an act by Congress -- and he's right, 18 USC 4001a requires that the United States government cannot detain an American citizen except by an act of Congress.
We took the position -- the United States government took the position that Congress had authorized that detention in the authorization to use force, even though the authorization to use force never mentions the word "detention." And the Supreme Court, a plurality written by Justice O'Connor agreed. She said, it was clear and unmistakable that the Congress had authorized the detention of an American citizen captured on the battlefield as an enemy combatant for the remainder -- the duration of the hostilities. So even though the authorization to use force did not mention the word, "detention," she felt that detention of enemy soldiers captured on the battlefield was a fundamental incident of waging war, and therefore, had been authorized by Congress when they used the words, "authorize the President to use all necessary and appropriate force."
For the same reason, we believe signals intelligence is even more a fundamental incident of war, and we believe has been authorized by the Congress. And even though signals intelligence is not mentioned in the authorization to use force, we believe that the Court would apply the same reasoning to recognize the authorization by Congress to engage in this kind of electronic surveillance.
I might also add that we also believe the President has the inherent authority under the Constitution, as Commander-in-Chief, to engage in this kind of activity. Signals intelligence has been a fundamental aspect of waging war since the Civil War, where we intercepted telegraphs, obviously, during the world wars, as we intercepted telegrams in and out of the United States. Signals intelligence is very important for the United States government to know what the enemy is doing, to know what the enemy is about to do. It is a fundamental incident of war, as Justice O'Connor talked about in the Hamdi decision. We believe that -- and those two authorities exist to allow, permit the United States government to engage in this kind of surveillance.
Now if you read this that is a pretty weak justification. Gonzales is saying here that he knows full well that this type of behavior would be governed under FISA unless Congress authorized otherwise. He then goes on to make an argument that they did in fact authorize this and this is based on the fact that the Supreme Court
might rule favorably on this based on something completely unrelated. He further goes on to argue that being at war authorizes the President to do this when in fact we are not formally at war from a constitutional standpoint and the president gains no additional powers as a result.
His whole argument is full of holes Amlord.
But wait, it gets better. The press conference continues with the basic line of questioing as to why FISA wasn't sufficient to do what they wanted to do. A reporter asks why they didn't just
change FISA:
QUOTE
Q If FISA didn't work, why didn't you seek a new statute that allowed something like this legally?
ATTORNEY GENERAL GONZALES: That question was asked earlier. We've had discussions with members of Congress, certain members of Congress, about whether or not we could get an amendment to FISA, and we were advised that that was not likely to be -- that was not something we could likely get, certainly not without jeopardizing the existence of the program, and therefore, killing the program. And that -- and so a decision was made that because we felt that the authorities were there, that we should continue moving forward with this program.
The above response is simply unbelievable. In
one press conference he has gone from saying that he believes the authorization of force against Al Qaeda gives the President this power because a Congressional act is required to saying that
he didn't believe Congress would vote to give the President this power by amending the original FISA act! That's right he didn't even consult with the full Congress on this they consulted with "select" members of Congress and they told him it wouldn't happen.
That pretty much puts the nail in the coffin of justifying this legally based on Gonzales' rationale.
Also a rebuttal from Sen Feingold from the
Washington Post:
QUOTE
Sen. Russell Feingold (D-Wis) responded to Gonzales' comments in an NBC interview this morning. "This is just an outrageous power grab," he said. "Nobody, nobody, thought when we passed a resolution to invade Afghanistan and to fight the war on terror, including myself who voted for it, thought that this was an authorization to allow a wiretapping against the law of the United States. "There's two ways you can do this kind of wiretapping under our law. One is through the criminal code, Title III; the other is through the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act. That's it. That's the only way you can do it. You can't make up a law and deriving it from the Afghanistan resolution. "The president has, I think, made up a law that we never passed," said Sen. Russell Feingold (D-Wis.).
QUOTE(Amlord)
The fact that the persons in question in this case have been on the receiving end of terrorists apprehended overseas leads me to believe that these people are agents of a foreign power (i.e. terrorists themselves). I can see how this is a leap of logic for some, but I highly doubt that Khalid Shaikh Mohammed was ordering pizza from Pakistan or that the e-mail addresses from his laptop were Amazon.com customer service guys.
The original SF Chronicle article I cited said this (remember this is coming directly from those who blew the whistle on this activity):
QUOTE
In addition to eavesdropping on those numbers and reading e-mail messages to and from the al Qaeda figures, the NSA began monitoring others linked to them, creating an expanding chain. While most of the numbers and addresses were overseas, hundreds were in the United States, the officials said.
So basically that refutes what you just said Amlord, the links start with Al Qaeda connections and get increasingly expansive which would lead one to logically conclude activites aren't limited to "foreign agents".
QUOTE(Amlord)
The fact that there have only been a few hundred cases of the monitoring cited here speaks to the limited usage it has been put to. Keep in mind that the NSA scans thousands upon thousands of e-mails and checks thousands of cell phones callsdaily via is Echelon program.
Whatever the reported number I'm sure the actual number is a lot higher. Seeing as how all of this is classified, secret and without judicial oversight the only people that actually know are in Bush's circle or at the NSA. Even if it is just a few hundred cases it is still a few hundred times where the law was broken. Would a cop let you off if you
just ran 3 stop lights instead of 10?
QUOTE(Amlord)
Add that to the common complaint that we should have been able to connect the dots before 9/11. Add to that the bi-partisan complaints in 2002 that the FISA process was "slow and inefficient"
Now as for the rest of this, there were a large number of recommendations that came out of the 9/11 commission and as of the 2004 election (and I don't believe this has changed but could be wrong) Bush had filed that report in the trash and none of them had been implemented. This was one of the arguments against Bush from the election if you remember correctly from the various debates on the subject. Your article points to things that could be improved and the answer is to improve them, not go around the system and strip away our civil rights.
When you have a problem it is better to fix the problem then ignore it and try and work around it.
Intelligence reform is needed, that 9/11 report had some good suggestions but they do not and should not include compromising our civil liberties.