Luckily for everyone I am addicted to debate and just unable to stop myself from making my argument. It's not my fault of course.
It has been immensely difficult to search for research that backs my claims since most of information comes from either books or hard copies of journals that have to be paid for online. But Ill do my best here.
I have an idea. Let's try to start over by looking at the origin of addiction in our culture and how it has evolved over time.
The Discovery of AddictionQUOTE
In terms of external behavior, there is little to distinguish the contemporary idea of alcoholism or inebriety from the traditional colonial view of the drunkard. The modern reader translates the behavioral description of the habitual drunkard into modern terms -- into the alcoholic. But the understanding we have of the drunkard is not the understanding of the 17th and 18th centuries. The main differences lie not so much in the external form as in the assumptions made about the inner experiences and condition of the drunkard.
Beginning in the 19th century, terms like "overwhelming," "overpowering" and "irresistible" were used to describe the drunkard's desire for liquor. In the colonial period, however, these words were almost never used. Instead, the most commonly used words were "love" and "affection," terms seldom used in the 19th and 20th centuries. In the modern definition of alcoholism, the problem is not that alcoholics love to get drunk, but that they cannot help it -- they cannot control themselves. They may actually hate getting drunk, wishing only to drink moderately or "socially." In the traditional view, however, the drunkard's sin was the love of "excess" drink to the point of drunkenness.
<snip>
Perhaps the clearest statement of the traditional position was in Jonathan Edwards's masterpiece, Freedom of the Will, first published in 1754....Edwards went on to confront the related philosophical issues of why people make the choices they do, and whether the words "impossible," "irresistible," or "unable" could rightly be used with reference to moral choices. In both of these cases, he used the drunkard to illustrate his points. He concluded that people choose things which "appear good to the mind," by which he meant "appear agreeable, or seem pleasing to the mind."
"Thus, when a drunkard has his liquor before him, and he has to choose whether to drink or no ... If he wills to drink, then drinking is the proper object of the act of his Will; and drinking, on some account or other, now appears most agreeable to him, and suits him best If he chooses to refrain, then refraining is the immediate object of his Will and is most pleasing to him." (25, p. 203).
<snip>
During the 18th century there were anticipations of a modern way of seeing the drunkard. In 1774 Quaker reformer Anthony Benezet (30) wrote the first American pamphlet urging total abstinence from distilled spirits. However, the new view of addiction had to be developed by individuals who were free from certain traditional assumptions about human behavior -- who tended to see deviance in general, and drunkenness in particular, as problematic and unnatural. The modern conception of addiction was first worked out by physicians, whose orientation led them to look for behavior or symptoms beyond the control of the will, and whose interests lay precisely in the distinction between Desire and Will.
It is in the work of Dr. Benjamin Rush, taken as a whole, that we can find the first clearly developed modern conception of alcohol addiction. While some of his observations had been made by others (especially Benezet ), Rush organized the developing medical and common-sense wisdom into a distinctly new paradigm. According to Rush, drunkards were "addicted" to spirituous liquors; and they became addicted gradually and progressively:
"It belongs to the history of drunkenness to remark, that its paroxysms occur, like the paroxysms of many diseases, at certain periods, and after longer or shorter intervals. They often begin with annual, and gradually increase in their frequency, until they appear in quarterly, monthly, weekly, and quotidian or daily periods." (33, p.192)
<snip>
The temperance movement rightly claimed Benjamin Rush as its founder. His writings on the relationship between intemperance and ardent spirits, his descriptions of the individual and social consequences of the use of liquor, as well as his recommendation of total abstinence, formed part of the essential core of temperance ideology throughout the l9th century.
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One aspect of this transformation was that addiction came to occupy a less central role in the ideology of the movement. Thus the Prohibition campaign of the early 20th century focused on other evil effects of alcohol: Liquor's role in industrial and train accidents; its effects on business and worker efficiency; its cost to workers and their families; the power and wealth of the "liquor trust"; and especially the role of the saloon as a breeding place for crime, immorality, labor unrest and corrupt politics. In a sense, the ''demon rum" became less the enemy than the "liquor trust" and the saloon (64, 71, 72). One aspect of the shift away from a focus on the addicting qualities of alcohol was the weakening, and in many cases the loss, of the movement's longstanding sympathetic attitude toward the habitual drunkard. The drunkard came to be viewed less and less as a victim, and more and more as simply a pest and menace.
<snip>
The "rediscovery" of alcoholism as an addiction and a disease in the 1930s and 1940s, by A.A. and the Yale Center of Alcohol Studies, was indeed a significant change within the addiction paradigm. Now alcohol could be understood as a socially acceptable, "domesticated" drug which was addicting only to some people for unknown reasons. Thus alcoholism became the only popularly and scientifically accepted person-specific drug addiction. For the first time, the source of addiction lay in the individual body, and not in the drug per se. The result has been a somewhat "purer" medical model -- that is, there is less of a tendency to view addiction as self-inflicted disease.
<snip>
In the 19th century, the concept of addiction was interpreted by people in light of their struggles with their own desires. The idea of addiction "made sense" not only to drunkards, who came to understand themselves as individuals with overwhelming desires they could not control, but also to great numbers of middle-class people who were struggling to keep their desires in check -- desires which at times seemed "irresistible." Given the structural requirements of daily life for self-reliant, self-making entrepreneurs and their families, and the assumptions of the individualistic middle-class world view, it seemed a completely reasonable idea that liquor, a substance believed to weaken inhibitions when consumed (intoxication), could also deprive people of the ability to control their behavior over the long run (addiction).
<snip>
The invention of the concept of addiction, or the discovery of the phenomenon of addiction, at the end of the 18th and beginning of the 19th century, can be best understood not as an independent medical or scientific discovery, but as part of a transformation in social thought grounded in fundamental changes in social life -- in the structure of society. For those interested in criticizing and transcending the addiction model of drug use, it is important to understand that the medical model has much deeper roots than has previously been thought. A.A., and Jellinek's and Keller's formulations are only the most recent articulations of much older ideas. Further, the structural and ideological conditions which made addiction a "reasonable" way to interpret behavior in the l9th century have not disappeared in the 20th: Many people still face the problem of controlling their own "compulsive" behavior. The proliferation of "Anonymous" groups, based on the A.A. format, is testimony to the continued effectiveness of such organizational methods of helping people control themselves. In all cases, the focus is on the interaction between the individual and the deviant activity (drinking, eating, smoking, gambling) and with helping the individual to stop being deviant.
Addiction is a form of social control on things that were once considered vices. Basically, people have to choose wisely what it is that they get addicted to because one can be addicted to any number of things including the internet and video games. But while those addictions are seen as pretty harmless, drugs and alcohol which have have been notorious throughout Western culture are seen as very harmful. If i am addicted to coffee or chocolate, its not that big a deal.
Is the addiction doctor the voodoo priest of Western man?QUOTE
The concept of 'addiction' does a great deal for us. It re-establishes our world view. Time after time, the validity of our theories of the individual is established, with each perception of an 'addict'[13] or the establishment of the 'addictive' power of a substance. It grounds our individualistic world view in the construction of 'evidence' about loss of control. Just as it is impossible to argue the myth of Spirit power with any person living in a culture of voodoo causation, it is impossible to argue that 'addiction' is a myth with any lay person or any doctor in Liverpool or Osaka. Modern man needs the concept of 'addiction', and its evils, as Mediaeval men needed the devil or the heretic. Both — the heretic, the addict — are the different sides of the singularly important same coin (God is good, the individual can control his or herself). This is why the concept of 'addiction' in our western industrial culture is universally shared within the cultural language of the individual. It is as deeply religious as it is data proof because its function is to manage our fears about how much 'we are in control'.
We have chosen some drugs to be supremely undermining of our 'self control' (but not some other drugs, or car driving, power, working, ambition, or looking at the stars). I do not understand why. It might be that their foreign origin helped to create the necessary emotions of alienation and fear. We have a need to constantly see new drugs as even more powerful, even more threatening to our self-steering powers when the old drugs seem to lose their teeth. Or, we imbue new powers into old drugs, as soon as the old drugs seem to become tame and not even evil any more (like marijuana in the United States of America).
Now we have the
loss of control theory which states that:
QUOTE
In the loss-of-control theory, control-related variables mediate affective outcomes...Individuals must gain internal compensatory mechanisms or suffer the negative affect associated with loss-of-control.
But this theory has been debunked:
The Implications and Limitations of Genetic Models of Alcoholism and Other AddictionsQUOTE
The central mechanism proposed to account for alcoholism since the beginning of the 19th century was the drinker's "loss of control," an idea which itself marked a departure from colonial American conceptions of drinking and drunkenness (Levine, 1978). With the transfer of the crucial mechanism from the substance to the consumer, A.A. presented the view-- however unsystematically--that the compulsion to drink was biologically preprogrammed and thus inevitably characterized drinking by alcoholics. This null hypothesis (although hardly presented by A.A. as such) was readily investigated empirically and prompted a number of laboratory studies of the "priming effect," i.e., the result of giving an alcoholic a dose of the drug. These studies found no basis for believing that alcoholics lost control of their drinking whenever they tasted alcohol (Marlatt et al., 1973; Merry, 1966; Paredes et al., 1973).
Laboratory studies of the drinking behavior of alcoholics did far more than disprove the simplistic notion of a biologically based loss of control. The work of Mello and Mendelson (1972), Nathan and O'Brien (1971), and the Baltimore City Hospital group (Bigelow et al., 1974; Cohen et al., 1971) showed that alcoholic behavior could not be described in terms of an internal compulsion to drink, but rather that even alcoholics--while drinking--remained sensitive to environmental and cognitive inputs, realized the impact of reward and punishment, were aware of the presence of others around them and of their behavior, and drank to achieve a specific level of intoxication. For example, Mello and Mendelson (1972) found that alcoholics worked to accumulate enough experimental credits to be able to drink 2 or 3 days straight, even when they were already undergoing withdrawal from previous intoxication. Alcoholics observed by Bigelow et al. (1974) drank less when the experimenters forced them to leave a social area to consume their drinks in a isolated compartment. Many aspects of this laboratory portrait of the social, environmental and intentional elements in alcoholic imbibing correspond to the picture of problem drinking that was provided by the national surveys conducted by Cahalan and his co-workers (Cahalan, 1970; Cahalan and Room, 1974; Clark and Cahalan, 1976).
We now have the belief that such things as alcoholism are caused by biological dispositions:
QUOTE
Popular writing and thinking about alcoholism have not assimilated the trend in genetic research and theory away from the search for an inherited mechanism that makes the alcoholic innately incapable of controlling his or her drinking. Rather, popular conceptions are marked by the assumption that any discovery of a genetic contribution to the development of alcoholism inevitably supports classic disease-type notions about the malady. For example, Milan and Ketcham (1983) and Pearson and Shaw (1983) both argue vehemently in favor of a total biological model of alcoholism, one that eliminates any contribution from individual volition, values or social setting (any more than takes place, according to Pearson and Shaw, with a disease like gout). As Milam and Ketcham repeatedly drive home, "the alcoholic's drinking is controlled by physiological factors which cannot be altered through psychological methods such as counseling threats, punishment, or reward. In other words, the alcoholic is powerless to control his reaction to alcohol" (p. 42).
But...
QUOTE
The conclusions we draw from research on genetic contributions to alcoholism are crucial because of the acceleration of research in this area and the clinical decisions which are being based on this work. Moreover, other behaviors--especially drug misuse--are being grouped with alcoholism in the same framework. This perspective contrasts with that from epidemiological studies showing young problem drinkers typically outgrow signs of alcohol dependence (Cahalan and Room, 1974), often in only a few years (Roizen et al., 1978). College students who display marked signs of alcohol dependence only rarely show the same problems 20 years later (Fillmore, 1975).
<snip>
Those who investigate the genetic transmission of alcoholism offer a different cast to their models of the predisposition to become alcoholics than do the models quoted in the previous section. Schuckit (1984b), for example, announces "that it is unlikely that there is a single cause for alcoholism that is both necessary and sufficient to produce the disorder. At best, biologic factors explain only a part of the variance...." (p. 883). Vaillant, in an interview published in Time ("New insights into alcoholism," 1983) following publication of his book, The Natural History of Alcoholism (1983), put the matter even more succinctly. He indicated that finding a biological marker for alcoholism "would be as unlikely as finding one for basketball playing" and likened the role of heredity in alcoholism to that in "coronary heart disease, which is not due to twisted genes or to a specific disease. There is a genetic contribution, and the rest of it is due to maladaptive life-style" (p. 64).
Vaillant's quote is entirely consistent with his and other data in the field, all of which support an incremental or complex, interactive view of the influence of inheritance on alcoholism. No findings from genetically-oriented research have disputed the significance of behavioral, psychodynamic, existential and social-group factors in all kinds of drinking problems, and results of laboratory and field research have repeatedly demonstrated the essential role of these factors in explaining the drinking of the alcoholic individual. To overextend genetic thinking so as to deny these personal and social meanings in drinking does a disservice to the social sciences, to our society and to alcoholics and others with drinking problems. Such an exclusionary approach to genetic formulations defies ample evidence already available to us and will not be sustained by future discoveries.
So this lack of the ability to control one's behavior has been totally debunked time and again yet here we are debating whether or not someone can control their own actions. I am not saying people are not heavily influenced by the want to get high, but rather that they can still choose not to get high.
QUOTE(DaytonRocker)
So why are you outright dismissing this study instead of discussing it leder? Oh right, because you don't think animals have free will. They don't have the ability to choose between any two things. Are all choices which animals make predetermined and due solely to fate? Can a dog or cat not decide to sit in the sun, then move to the shade just because it feels like it? Or is every action of an animal simply a response to the environment which means they have no control over any choice or decision?
My point is not to state as a fact that all animals or organisms have free will, but to state that instead of providing counter-evidence to psyclist' link you instead make a ridiculous statement about animals not having free will at all (which I don't think you could prove). So perhaps you should confront evidence put on this board with some counter-evidence instead of dismissing others attempts.
I'm not going to argue with you whether or not the ability of an animal to make rational decisions is comparable to that of humans...that's ridiculous. Animals act based on instinct and learned experiences...not on rational, calculating decisions about the causes and effects of their actions. The lion pounces on the prey because it is hungry and wants to eat it. It doesn't stop to wonder about the right of the prey to live.
I earlier provided a study where animals (rats) were given a choice between water and water with morphine in it. Rats in an enclosed environment chose the morphine while rats in an open and spacious environment chose the water. This shows to some extent that environment and social factors play a role in one's decision to take drugs. I don't take this study very far because once again we are dealing with animals as opposed to humans who has free will.
RESOLVING THE CONTRADICTIONS OF ADDICTIONQUOTE
The key ideas of this paper are: (1) The behaviors that comprise addiction are voluntary even though their net consequences are aversive. (2) A voluntary aversive state can exist because the amount of behavior devoted to an activity is a function of its relative (rather than absolute) reinforcement rate (the matching law). (3) Local rather than overall value functions typically determine drug preference. (4) But there are occasions in which the overall values functions determine preference, as when the drugs are not immediately available and options are under scrutiny. These ideas have the logical power to explain relapse, compulsive-like behavior, and the apparent contradictions in the descriptive data, such as the influence of economic factors on drug use in addicts. In contrast, the explanatory power of the other approaches discussed in this paper are limited. The disease model can explain the persistence of an aversive state, but not the voluntary aspects of addiction; the reinforcement model does just the reverse, and incentive- sensitization theory leaves out the manner in which conditioned urges interact with other factors to influence the directed acts that comprise drug consumption.
At a more general level the theme of this paper is that addiction is the result of natural behavioral processes under the unusual and perverse conditions created by substances that, when consumed in large amounts, decrease their own future value and the future value of other activities. This analysis is parallel to the view of disease that emerged in the second half of the nineteenth century as basic physiological mechanisms functioning under abnormal circumstances, (e.g., the work of Claude Bernard), except that behavioral mechanisms have been substituted for physiological ones. Finally, since addiction is but one of many voluntary behaviors that is not attenuated by its negative consequences, the analysis used in this paper may also prove useful in other areas of human psychology.