QUOTE(Vermillion @ Jul 29 2007, 04:55 PM)

QUOTE(Blackstone @ Jul 29 2007, 06:17 PM)

You've totally missed the point, again. To explain it in black-and-white terms, the people and tribal leaders of the Anbar region are demonstrating, through their actions, that they're more determined than ever to root out al-Qa'ida. Very significant, very good news that some people are just absolutely determined to ignore or downplay, even when it's shoved right in their faces.
You keep repeating the same thing. Except that you keep leaving out how this connects to your original comment, that this is some kind of 'sea change' or any change at all. It has been pointed out to you again and again that this has been the status quo since 2003.
No, it's been
asserted again and again that this has been the status quo since 2003. What's been pointed out to
you - with actual evidence, not just bare assertions - is that this is happening now on an unprecedented scale. Calling it the "status quo" since 2003 would be like reacting to the victory at Iwo Jima by saying, Big deal, defeating the Japanese in island battles has been the "status quo" since Midway.
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The US presence is directly responsible for the presence of AQ, both in introducing it to the country, and in maintaining it, by acting as an ideal recruitment tool for 'foreign fighters', just as the USSR was in Afghanistan.
This whole argument of "we better not fight them or we'll encourage more recruitment" just doesn't wash. Yes, fighting evil people encourages recruitment on their side, whether we do it in Iraq or Afghanistan or Pakistan. Running away from them encourages them even more.
As for letting al-Sadr and his ilk take care of al-Qa'ida, the same criticism you give of us (that our presence there is helping AQ in Iraq by provoking them) can be said of them even more, because they wantonly murder Sunni civilians. Then of course AQ and other aligned groups return the favor by murdering Shi'i civlians, thus boosting al-Sadr's recruitment numbers. Great deal for the both of them. Sucks for the rest of us.
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The Shia and Sunni were killing each other long before AQ made its presence in Iraq felt, for that matter they have been killing each other for centuries.
For centuries? On anywhere near the kind of scale they're doing now? Any major incidents you can point to?
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In iraq the deliberate opression of one side under Hussein was all the 'motive' needed to start the violence, LONG before foreign fighters started to arrive.
And so having this motive, how did the Shi'ites act on it? If you remember, it was the Sunnites who were causing the most trouble in Iraq in the early days post-Saddam. To the extent that people like al-Sadr got in on the act, he was fighting ALONGSIDE the Sunnites. The growth in sectarian violence that we see today came later, with the worst jump happening after the bombing of the al-Askari mosque, probably at al-Qa'ida's hands.
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Firstly, I find it slight irritating how you cherry-pick comments from the ISG report on a line by line basis. Especially considering the entire conclusion of the report completely contradicts with your position.
I presume you're aware that two persons can look at the same set of facts and draw different conclusions. And even at that, their conclusions don't support yours to the extent that you apparently seem to think. Every mention they make of al-Qa'ida makes it clear that they view its presence in Iraq far more seriously than you do. And they certainly don't give any indication that the Iraqis themselves (least of all the Shi'i militias) can be counted on to rid the country of them if we depart.
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Secondly, Case in point. You 'question my comment that the vast majority of the violence in Iraq is internescine and has nothing to do with AQ, and as 'support', you cherry pick a comment from the ISG. Interesting that you chose NOT to quote the paragraph just before the one you quoted:
"Most attacks on Americans still come from the Sunni Arab insurgency. The insurgency comprises former elements of the Saddam Hussein regime, disaffected Sunni Arab Iraqis, and common criminals. It has significant support within the Sunni Arab community. The insurgency has no single leadership but is a network of networks. It benefits from participants’ detailed knowledge of Iraq’s infrastructure, and arms and financing are supplied primarily from within Iraq. The insurgents have different goals, although nearly all oppose the presence of U.S. forces in Iraq. Most wish to restore Sunni Arab rule in the country. Some aim at winning local power and control."
...OR the paragraph right AFTER the one you quoted...
Sectarian violence causes the largest number of Iraqi civilian casualties. Iraq is in the grip of a deadly cycle: Sunni insurgent attacks spark large-scale Shia reprisals, and vice versa. Groups of Iraqis are often found bound and executed, their bodies dumped in rivers or fields. The perception of unchecked violence emboldens militias, shakes confidence in the government, and leads Iraqis to flee to places where their sect is the majority and where they feel they are in less
danger. In some parts of Iraq—notably in Baghdad—sectarian cleansing is taking place. The United Nations estimates that 1.6 million are displaced within Iraq, and up to 1.8 million Iraqis have fled the country."
I fail to see how any of this contradicts the proposition that al-Qa'ida has been the prime mover of the internecine violence. The first paragraph you quoted doesn't even deal with internecine violence, so I have no idea what point you were trying to make there. As for the second, of course once AQ provokes it with a spectacular attack of some kind, it begins to reverberate on its own. That's the whole point of why they do it. What do you think you've proven here, exactly?
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The "not a shred of evidence" remark was in response to your assumption that pulling out of Iraq would be bad for al-Qa'ida. If you've posted it somewhere, could you at least indicate the post number?
I'll repost what I typed (and you ignored) from just a few posts ago, perhaps you might deign to read it this time.
QUOTE(Vermillion)
Except:
1- There is no real threat of AQ using Iraq as a base of operations, no matter if the US leaves. They have very little support in Iraq and are hated by the militias, which hold the balance of power.
2- The overcommitment of the US to Iraq has allowed AQ international to grow in strength and organisation significantly, regardless of what happens to AQ in Iraq, the international body of AQ is larger and more of a threat than ever, which is the reason the NIE declared last year that the war in Iraq had rendered the US significantly less safe.
3- The US has been in Iraq for close to 4.5 years, and AQ in Iraq while still a tiny percentage of the insurgency, has overall grown in strength. largely because of the draw of 'foreign fighters' for a chance to kill Americans. Remove the Americans, remove at least a significant portion of that draw.
As evidence to that, I present firstly the conclusions of the ISG, as cited above. I think those are pretty cut and dry.
The first point is diametrically at odds with the conclusions of the ISG. In the second point, here's where
you completely ignore what I typed right after my "shred" comment:
"And no, criticizing the decision to go in doesn't count as evidence for your proposition, unless you have some basis for arguing that pulling out would return us to anything remotely resembling the status quo ante."
And as to the suggestion you made in your third point, it's A. not supported by the ISG, and B. not supported by reality. Al-Qa'ida had no trouble attracting foreign fighters in Afghanistan during the Taliban era, when there was nary a U.S. soldier to be found. The "draw" for these turds isn't the chance to pick off an American G.I. or two. It's the chance to kill American (and Western) PEOPLE in very large numbers. Once again: running away from them, however seductive an idea that might be, doesn't lessen the threat. It exacerbates it.
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When asked about the importance of AQ in Iraq as a priority in that war, CIA Director listed it as fifth in priority, WAY behind the unrelated sectarian violence, lack of ability of the Iraqi government to govern and general lawlessness.
Cite?
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As is patently obvious. You said that I accuse those who are merely opposed to the war as eager for defeat, when you just now were forced to quote me accurately as saying, "Yes, there are those who will harp on the bad news like no tomorrow, but they'll only expose themselves as those who are eager for defeat". Anyone with even rudimentary reading ability can see the clear difference between the two positions.
That MIGHT have had a chance of being taken seriously, except that YOU have defined the people you believe 'harp on bad news like no tomorrow' as being major news outlets, the Liberals, the Democrats...
You really think you can dig yourself out of this one, don't you? Unfortunately for you, all you're succeeding in doing is digging yourself deeper and deeper. I didn't say a damn thing about liberals in general, or war opponents in general, or any other words you think you can cleverly get away with slipping into my mouth.
Give it up, Vermillion. I know exactly what I said and what I didn't say, and you're not Harry Houdini. So stop trying to squirm out of your lie, and just own up to it. It'll do you a lot of good. It'll do productive dialogue a lot of good (you know, the thing you claim to care so much about).
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Only if you consider the material aspect of warfighting to be the "overwhelming, enormous majority" of a war effort. As I explained to you already, it is not, and that's especially true in this war.
Take a position here Blackstone, really. Tell us in no uncertain terms; who bears the vast majority of the responsibility for the ongoing loss in the war to date: The republicans who planned, executed orchestrated and continued it with total executive power from day 1; or the Democrats who gave voice (occasionally strident and jarring voice) to the rising tide of dissent and opposition to the war amongst the American people?
I already told you that I don't answer questions that have false premises. And my point you quoted remains unrebutted.
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All you aregu is 'against' withdrawal, you argue 'for' nothing
Nothing except for the country to unite and make it clear to our allies and potential allies on the ground in Iraq that we won't abandon them so soon. It's not like I haven't had to explain over and over again that when we give them the opposite impression, we needlessly make our job over there much harder.