There are a few problems with the majority’s opinion, as I see it. The majority counters the minority by stating D.C. is, for all interpretational intents and purposes, a state. I don’t think this is remotely the case. If it was, Congress would not have authority over the legislative bodies in D.C. If it was, the
judiciary would not treat D.C. case law differently.
SCOTUS heard
Bolling v. Sharpe (D.C.) the same year it ruled racial segregation unconstitutional on the basis of the Fourteenth Amendment in
Brown v. Board of Education (Kansas). There is no federal guarantee to equality in the Bill of Rights and the Fourteenth Amendment indicates its clauses apply only to the states. Could the states be required to treat people equally while the federal government is not? It seemed unreasonable to say the states were required to desegregate but D.C. was not. Chief Justice Warren read the Due Process clause of the Fifth Amendment as encompassing equal protection as well. According to Warren, segregation ran contrary to the liberty protected in the Fifth as a matter of procedural fairness, not as a protection of substantive right.
Secondly, there are dozens of pages of dicta in the majority’s opinion. Dicta is interesting to read but it lacks the force of law. Because SCOTUS has been near mute on Second Amendment guarantees except when the right to bear arms has come in conflict with Congress’ power to regulate interstate commerce the District does extensive analysis of the controversial
United States v. Miller (1939) case, a case often cited by both pro- and anti-gun regulation advocates. In doing so the District admits
Miller’s “expansive definition of the militia” is “qualitatively different from the District’s concept”. Later the opinion refers to and agrees with the Fifth Circuit’s
United States v. Emerson (2001) ruling which interpreted SCOTUS’
Miller as “not lend[ing] support to the collective right model” or the Distrcit’s own “quasi-collective position”. The District admits that while “
Miller does not accept the individual right position” the District nevertheless asserts “the decision
implicitly assumes that interpretation”. Oddly enough, the majority acknowledges
Emerson’s heavy reliance on dictum and then “defends” its own by stating: “...dictum refers to reasoning that does not support the holding of a case. We think all of our reasoning (whether correct or not) directly supports our holding.”
I think it’s necessary and past due for SCOTUS to define what constitutes a militia and whether the right to bear arms is restricted to them. Personally I don’t think, constitutionally speaking, the right to bear arms is an individual right for reasons discussed near the end of the
2nd Amendment; Individual Right? thread. That said, on a plenary level I think it should be ruled as an individual right by SCOTUS, the ambiguous structure of the Second Amendment notwithstanding.
QUOTE(CruisingRam @ Mar 10 2007, 01:02 PM)

I think, if anything—it is a propaganda piece, though to a small degree. I am not aware of ANY law upheld that disallows ownership of guns completely—regulate and license yes, but not ban outright the ownership of guns. From what I have read, no justice has EVER upheld ban on ownership of guns to law-abiding citizens of sound mind, but does allow regulation.
I agree with you but the D.C. regulation in question is impermissibly restrictive. Everyone who can own a gun has the right to move it from one room to another inside their own residence. I wonder if this regulation is another bright anti-terrorist measure from the legislature.
Edited to make a major correction.