QUOTE(DaytonRocker @ Apr 22 2007, 11:44 PM)

Here's your interpretation of a law:
Existing law:
As long two adults over the age of 18 consent, the right for people to have sex with one another shall not be infringed.
krash1023's interpretation:
"the right for people to have sex with one another shall not be infringed."
And here's yours:
Existing law:
"A well regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free state..."
DaytonRocker's interpretation:
"As long as the people are part of a well regulated militia..."
Amazing what you can do when you add in completely new words that were never there at all.
QUOTE(Vermillion @ Apr 26 2007, 04:26 PM)

They obviously felt the first clause was critically important, as they did not feel the need to put contextual clauses before ANY OTHER part of the constitution
Yes, it was critically important to them -
as a point of emphasis. In other words, they wanted to make it clear that this right wasn't merely a right of personal self-defense, but of collective defense as well. It certainly wasn't put in there to limit that right in any way. There's not a scintilla of evidence to show any such intent on their part.
QUOTE(inventor @ Apr 28 2007, 12:29 AM)

Lets look at what is written on the founders intent of that day.
http://www.americanheritage.com/articles/m...2006_3_31.shtmlWhat would the Founders think of gun control? By Richard Brookhiser
QUOTE
The backstory of the Founders’ thoughts on the politics of gun ownership begins with the politics of England, a hundred years earlier.
During the reign of James II (1685–88), Protestant Englishmen feared that they would be disarmed by their Catholic king and bullied by his large professional army and its Catholic officer corps. That is indeed what James planned. His Protestant subjects forestalled him by chasing him from the throne in 1688, with Dutch help. One consequence of the Glorious Revolution was the English Bill of Rights, banning standing armies in England in peacetime and guaranteeing Protestants the right to bear arms “for their defense.”
William Blackstone, a mid-eighteenth-century legal commentator, explained the right of “having arms” as a firewall, “barriers to protect and maintain” other rights when ordinary protections had crumbled. “It is indeed a public allowance, under due restrictions, of the natural right of resistance and self-preservation, when the sanctions of society and laws are found insufficient to restrain the violence of oppression.”
The gun provisions of the English Bill of Rights and Blackstone’s discussion of them became relevant when the Constitution was being ratified. Patrick Henry and Gov. George Clinton of New York feared a stronger federal government. Once the Constitution passed, they offered amendments condemning standing armies, upholding the right to keep and bear arms, and praising militias (ordinary citizens summoned to fight by their states). “A well regulated Militia composed of the body of the people trained to arms,” said the Henryites and Clintonians, “is the proper, natural and safe defence of a free State.” After passing through Congress and the massaging hands of James Madison, this became the Second Amendment: “A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms shall not be infringed.” The slap at standing armies had fallen away, but the militia and the armed citizenry remained, no longer a last resort for Protestants against scheming, aggressive Catholics, but for the states against the federal government (and, in theory, for the people against oppressive government). If guns were illegal, only armies would have guns.
This is where the Second Amendment came from. But several complications must be added. Blackstone is a tricky oracle, for the only absolute in his world is legislative supremacy; what he gives to freedom with the right hand he is always willing to take back with the left, so long as the legislature (or Parliament) agrees. The right of “having arms,” he acknowledges, is subject to “due restrictions … such as are allowed by law.”
Hey, I know something about that guy you quoted.
Anyway, although it's beyond dispute that he had a huge influence on the thinking of the Founders, the quote you highlighted touches on probably the most critical difference between the system he was describing and the one we adopted.
As Sir William tells us: "The power and jurisdiction of parliament, says Sir Edward Coke, is so transcendent and absolute, that it cannot be confined, either for causes or persons, within any bounds." The English Bill of Rights he was referring to was a limitation only on the power of the crown and the courts, not on Parliament. The Founders' contribution to Anglo-American law was to make a bill of rights that could control the supreme legislature as well as the other branches of government. So his comments about "due restrictions" imposed by law have essentially no relevance to this discussion.
QUOTE
Also note at that time there were gun laws, it was illegal to use dueling pistols. so even at the time of the drafting of the constitution they clearly intended restrictions on guns.
Note further two things:
1. The federal bill of rights was written in stronger terms than most, if not all, state bills of rights at the time. State bills of rights generally spoke in arguably equivocal language. The typical format was to say that "the people have a right" to do this, that, or the other thing, and that said right "ought not be violated." The federal Bill of Rights allowed for much less wiggle room. In all of them, and certainly the 2nd Amendment, it is clearly stated that these rights
shall not be infringed.
2. Prior to the adoption of the 14th Amendment, it was generally understood that the federal Bill of Rights limited only the federal government (see Barron v Baltimore). So while states might prohibit duelling pistols, any national law which purported to do so would have been unconstitutional.
Another thing is that it generally doesn't violate the spirit of the 2nd Amendment to ban any specific type of weapon, provided that the ban is universal, and applies to government as well as the people. But when a law gives government a legal advantage when it comes to weapons, that's a facial violation. As you quoted Justice Blackstone as saying, this right is "the natural right of resistance and self-preservation, when the sanctions of society and laws are found insufficient to restrain the violence of oppression." All uncertainties that may persist in the meaning of that amendment have to be resolved in that light.
QUOTE(DaytonRocker @ Apr 28 2007, 11:53 AM)

Here's a point that never gets resolved whenever we make this old argument: Was Timothy McVeigh exercising his 2nd amendment rights?
This is a joke, right? I mean, this can't possibly be a serious post. Who has ever argued that the right to own a weapon includes the right to use it on others at one's own discretion? When did "keep" and "bear" get defined as "detonate"?