QUOTE(Jobius @ Aug 19 2007, 03:39 AM)

Don't imagine that imprisoning bin Laden would make him less of a martyr than blowing him up. Remember Omar Abdel Rahman, the blind sheikh who was the "spiritual leader" of Ramzi Yousef and the rest of the gang that tried to blow up World Trade Center in 1993? By 1997, Rahman was convicted and imprisoned, yet his followers in the Egyptian Islamic Group still murdered 58 tourists in Luxor, and reportedly affixed pamphlets to their victims, calling for the release of the blind sheikh.
A living martyr can be more powerful than a dead one.
I was thinking the same thing, Jobius. It also brings to mind the many hostages held (and often beheaded/tortured) for extortion purposes...like the South Korean humanitarian agency members that are under negotiation now for the release of Taliban prisoners/money. Holding a suspect like Bin Laden would be pretty dangerous to all concerned. NOT that I don't think it would be better to find him and bring him to justice if that is possible. Speaking practically, look at it this way; currently Ahmad Harun, after being indicted by the ICC for committing war crimes in Darfur, serves as Sudan's minister for humanitarian affairs. That's a direct demonstration of the weight of law (even the highest form of international law) without the use of force to back it.
One correction, though, bin Laden isn't a military target only because he has "earned the right via body count". He (along with his followers) is a military target because Congress specifically authorized the use of military force against both state and non-state actors who have been determined to have planned, authorized, committed, or aided terrorist attacks. I'll add piracy and slave traders to the history for use force against non-state actors.
1) With the successful criminal prosecution of Padilla, are military tribunals necessary as a means of adjudicating suspected terrorists? Why or why not?I think civilian prosecution is appropriate for Padilla, and military tribunals are appropriate for non-citizens.
2) Should Padilla's treatment while detained be factored into his sentencing? Why or why not?This is a harder question. Really, it should be easy. The answer should be 'yes of course'. On the one hand, I am happy that a person who planned and plotted to kill large amounts of innocent people, and would likely continue to do so if given the opportunity, is behind bars so he can do no harm. But on the other hand, this man was deprived of counsel, held without charges for a long while, and without trial for years. If those factors are taken under consideration, this dangerous person should probably be a free man. I'd hate to see that for obvious reasons, but the precedents that have been set here are starting to worry me as well.....
Interesting analysis here.
QUOTE
That is because conspiracies aim at the future. A successful conspiracy prosecution looks both backward, to punish the crime of conspiring, and forward, to stop dangerous people from completing their plans. The weaker the evidence of conspiracy is, the more such a prosecution can look like a request for judicially sanctioned preventive detentions.
In opinion articles and academic commentary, lawyers and law professors across the political spectrum have been arguing in recent months about whether the criminal law should be supplemented by legislation authorizing preventive detention. The Padilla verdict suggests that something similar may have already been achieved in the courts.