QUOTE(Amlord @ Oct 12 2007, 01:58 PM)

If it "may" be possible, then the possibility exists that it may not be possible. Whether the judge can be convinced without an in camera hearing is up to the judge and the argument of the lawyers.
I understand that it "may not be possible", but it should
never be possible. It was up to the judge in the District Court Case and the USSC overruled him, saying that, in this case, it wasn't up to the judge - that the government request should be respected on its face without examination. It should
never work that way. The
Reynolds decision was wrong, and the subsequent declassification of the documents in question proves why. As such, the State Secrets Doctrine, as established, is flawed and subject to abuse with relative ease.
As evidenced in the District Court case that the USSC reviewed there, it is the "may" that is the problem. The USSC, in establishing this precedent, assumed the validity of the government's
strong claim of privilege. That goes against the purpose of the check by the judiciary on the executive branch. It should
never be possible for the government to use this precedent of making
so strong an argument that the judge can't even review the evidence in private. The USSC is basically saying that if the government says the stuff is ultra top secret and nobody should even look at it... and they make a convincing enough argument - which could all be a pile of hooey (as in the case of
Reynolds) - the court should just trust the government. That is a huge chip in the check that the judiciary provides against executive abuse. The judiciary has an obligation to provide this check and can't fulfill this obligation with this doctrine in place, as established.
For example, in the current case of El-Masri, the judiciary should be able to look into evidence as to whether he was, in fact, detained... it seems to me that there is no national security issue in that regard - and any sensitive information that might exist can be examined by the judge in private. Next, a judge should be able to examine evidence regarding his treatment. The nature of the treatment need not be disclosed to the public in order to determine if the treatment is torture. But the judiciary
should be able to make such determinations. The Bush Administration, or any administration, should not be able to do as it pleases without judicial review -
never.