Maybe this is in reference to the question posed to the dems at last night's clash.
I found these last debates to be the worst -- Wolf Blizzard seemed obsessed with wedging candidates into "gotcha" moments, and I think his whole approach was anti-intellectual. Which is to say, CNN-style. For example, at one point he said "triangulation -- whatever that means." And I thought: "Bud, you are political journalist. If you can pretend like you don't know what triangulation 'means,' then you are pandering worse than Bill Richardson. Pandering, I might add, to an audience that is not as dumb as you give it credit for."
I digress, but not really.
This question, which has been again posed here, is a perfect example of a weighty and complex issue narrowed down to an unanswerable multiple choice.
I say that there are complex differences between situations.
If we are talking about the totalitarian tyranny of Hitler -- a machine that was capable of recking violence that is exponentially greater than anything America faces in the guise of non-nuclear terrorism like the 9/11 attacks -- then I think we were sincerely justified in violating human rights throughout the war. I think it's worth noting that, when we violate human rights even under the direst of circumstances, the cost is not shouldered by the victim alone. When America violates human rights, Americans always pay a part of the cost. The malaise of the 1970s, the culture wars, and the current collapse of all civility within the legislative branch have been items on that bill.
The tragedy to me, is that national security has at least since the Monroe Doctrine, been so loosely and selfishly defined. And our actions have been rash and short-sighted, perhaps because our presidential term limits roll Eisenhowers problems off of JFk's back, onto LBJ, Nixon, then Carter.
For example, I don't think there'd be a Pakistan problem if America had behaved differently in the Middle East, if we'd contextualized the severity of a threat like Iran and considered the long-term problems associated with sponsoring a goon like Saddam Hussein. Until the day Iran possesses nuclear weapons, the nation simply will not constitute a threat to our security that would excuse the base denial of human rights that we exemplified in sponsoring the Shah, training his secret police, then sponsoring Saddam Hussein when the revolution backfired on us.
Secondly, I think there is a fundamental flaw in the way we expand the definition of national security: National security is not the same thing as "the security of our interests in faraway parts of the globe where free-trade capitalism would better serve the American economy." If there is one thing I really like about Ron Paul -- and there are several things I like about him -- it is that he has made that point utterly clear to an establishment that has never questioned that logic. Maybe if America strove, over the long haul, to be an economically more independent nation, we would be a better force for democratization in the world. I'm not an isolationist -- I think there are too many places where small crumbs of American capital could make a world of difference -- but I do think that our economic involvement in places like China, the Middle East, and Latin America hinders our ability to push for democratic rights. It's hard to preach democracy when you support the Saudi royal family.
In short, I think our national interests are best served when America is seen as generally a force for good in the world. We'll never be perfect. But we do have some serious flaws that we can address, such as our misleading belief in the exceptionalism of America:
QUOTE
First one must realize that no other nation on earth has been more responsible for freeing more people and spilling more blood while doing so than the United States of America.
27 million Soviets died fighting Hitler, often with rocks-- maybe only 10 million of those casualties were registered soldiers. That those Russians died defending a system that was objectively tyrannical is secondary to the fact that they, more than any other nation extinguished the threat of Hiterlism. While we were recoiling from our shattered innocence at Pearl harbor, Londoners were preparing to spend years' worth of nights in the tube tunnels to shelter themselves from nightly bombs. Freedom is a human desire, not an American pre-occupation, and other nations have stood up to claim it in greater numbers than ours. Over the past 50 years, other nations have made sacrifices in the name of freedom that most of us cannot even begin to comprehend from our distance: Algeria, for example.
That might seem like a moot, off-topic, or needlessly anti-American point, but its none of those: the fact is, in many parts of the world, people the age of 50 can remember serving the British as colonial subjects. I don't devalue our efforts or our own tremendous sacrifices-- we made de-colonialization possible on an economic level -- but I think we would be self-centered to think that we, more than any other "nation on earth [have] been responsible for freeing more people and spilling more blood while doing so." I think Gandhi freed more people than ten US presidents combined, and our own noteworthy efforts were still only one intricate part of a global, interconnected drive for nationhood that characterized the second half of the 20th century. This is exactly why I thought Ken Burns' The War was a waste of perfectly good PBS time.
I think we would become a more conscientious nation, and consequentially a safer nation, if we honored the way other nations have stood up to die for the same rights most of us have enjoyed from birth. Wouldn't it be great if America had a 'world veterans day'? If God and the inalienable rights of man come before country, then why don't we reserve some celebration time to those non-Americans who have fought for the same inalienable rights as we enjoy here at home. I think that would enlighten our understanding of humanity, and make our own democracy so much more meaningful if we remembered what people have sacrificed to emulate it.
In turn, that would make us think with greater clarity and seriousness when we consider the costs of violating human rights abroad.