Have key administration official been distorting the facts to force a military confrontation with Iran?I'm not sure if these unnamed "key officials" have been privy to this information. Which ones, exactly, have beat the drums for war and have placed military confrontation as the first (or even second) option? Certainly we have not taken it off the table, but I don't think anyone seriously thinks we are going to invade Iran within the next few months (if at all).
Will the administration now cease to threaten the use of military force against Iran?I must have missed these threats. Can you post something concrete?
Do you believe the revelation that Iran had stopped its nuclear weapons program in 2003 was a last minute intelligence acquisition?It may have been, but more likely is that something concrete was discovered recently to push the balance towards this outcome. The NIE was initiated in January. I find it funny that Iran was five years away from acquiring nukes in 1995, was five years away in 2001 and is now ten years away. Since the technology hasn't changed, I'm not sure if this is more a function of material availability or what. I find it seriously doubtful that a moderately advanced society (does Iran qualify?) can't acquire material that the United States had in 1945.
The President's commision on WMDs said earlier this year that we know "disturbingly little" about Iran's or North Korea's programs.
Do you have an opinion on why the administration finally allowed the release of the new NIE?The theory is that Gates has leaked much of it that has made it into the press. I have no idea personally.
I will say that the President has moved slower on this issue than many people have wanted him to. Even Hilary Clinton has suggested that Bush has not been decisive enough on the Iranian issue. It should not be surprising that she has said the opposite in the past, but in this month's
Foreign Affairs she says:
QUOTE(Page 5 of the article)
The case in point is Iran. Iran poses a long-term strategic challenge to the United States, our NATO allies, and Israel. It is the country that most practices state-sponsored terrorism, and it uses its surrogates to supply explosives that kill U.S. troops in Iraq. The Bush administration refuses to talk to Iran about its nuclear program, preferring to ignore bad behavior rather than challenge it. Meanwhile, Iran has enhanced its nuclear-enrichment capabilities, armed Iraqi Shiite militias, funneled arms to Hezbollah, and subsidized Hamas, even as the government continues to hurt its own citizens by mismanaging the economy and increasing political and social repression.
As a result, we have lost precious time. Iran must conform to its nonproliferation obligations and must not be permitted to build or acquire nuclear weapons. If Iran does not comply with its own commitments and the will of the international community, all options must remain on the table.
On the other hand, if Iran is in fact willing to end its nuclear weapons program, renounce sponsorship of terrorism, support Middle East peace, and play a constructive role in stabilizing Iraq, the United States should be prepared to offer Iran a carefully calibrated package of incentives. This will let the Iranian people know that our quarrel is not with them but with their government and show the world that the United States is prepared to pursue every diplomatic option.