QUOTE(Eeyore)
I'm still wondering how you came up with scientific numbers that tell you a story that did not enforce the perception you brought to the table.
I'm a bit confused over what you're asking I'm afraid but I'll review what I've presented and see whether or not that answers the question.
I started with the rather clear example of Boston who's racism (despite
Ted ignoring it) was on full display.
I added to it a few other cities, the centers of key court cases:
QUOTE(Wikipedia)
The Supreme Court subsequently mandated in the 1971 decision of Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education the institution of busing of black students to mainly formerly all-white schools in the suburbs, and vice versa. Beginning in the mid-1970s, some minority students (especially blacks) were transported miles from poorer core cities to newer affluent suburbs. As Justice William Douglas observed in his dissent in Milliken v. Bradley (1974), "The inner core of Detroit is now rather solidly black; and the blacks, we know, in many instances are likely to be poorer…" A similar 1977 Federal decision, Penick v The Columbus Board of Education, accelerated white flight from Columbus, Ohio to its suburbs. According to sociologist Cardell K. Jacobson, opposition to integration was strongest among people who did not themselves have children in public schools, and in particular among those who already had children in parochial schools.[...]
Busing and desegregation orders in education had also led to a further, non-geographical white flight: out of the public school systems subject to desegregation orders, and into private schools. For example, in 1970, when a federal court ordered desegregation of the public schools of the Pasadena Unified School District (in Pasadena, California), the proportion of white students in those schools reflected the proportion of whites in the community, 54 percent and 53 percent, respectively. After desegregation began, a large number of whites in the upper and middle classes could afford private schooling and so pulled their children from mixed public schools. As a result, by 2004 Pasadena was home to sixty-three private schools, which educated one-third of all school-aged children in the city, and the proportion of white students in the public schools had fallen to 16 percent. The superintendent of Pasadena USD characterized them as being to whites "like the bogey-man"[19] and mounted policy changes and a publicity drive to induce affluent whites to put their children back into the public schools.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/White_flight#...and_busing]LinkThat bolded point is key. Sociologists and political scientists by the very nature of their work must delve into motivations and they typically do so by surveys of what people
say and studies of what they
do. These measures, and often the considerable difference between them, can tell us a lot.
So I moved into the wider national focus.
QUOTE(David O. Sears et al @ The American Political Science Review, Vol. 73, No. 2 (Jun., 1979), pp. 369-384)
This article contrasts the "self-interest" and "symbolic politics" explanations for the formation of mass policy preferences and voting behavior. Self-interested attitudes are defined as those supporting policies that would maximize benefits and minimize costs to the individual's private material well-being. The "symbolic politics" model emphasizes pressures to make adulthood attitudes consistent with the residues of preadult socialization. We compare the two models in terms of their ability to account for whites' opposition to busing school children for racial integration of the public schools, and the role of the busing issue in presidential voting decisions, using the 1972 Center for Political Studies election study. Regression analysis shows strong effects of symbolic attitudes (racial intolerance and political conservatism) on opposition to busing, and of the busing issue on presidential voting decisions. Self-interest (e.g., having children susceptible to busing) had no significant effect upon either. It is concluded that self-interest is often overestimated as a determinant of public opinion and voting behavior because it is too rarely directly assessed empirically.
Whites' Opposition to "Busing": Self-Interest or Symbolic Politics?It would be reasonable, if we were dealing with a purely practical motivation that those who were affected would have the most negative view.
Most harmed most alarmed in other words.
Instead no strong relationship between self-interest and opinion on busing was found.
On the contrary...
From the same article.
QUOTE
Long bus rides, consolidated school districts, public schools of mixed social class or of modest quality (at best), peripatetic parents whose children jump from one school or another-all are routine, common experiences in the lives of American school children, without great political outcry. Indeed, one national survey, done in 1972, found the same high level of white opposition to busing to magnet schools ("Would you send your own child to a new and better school in a neighborhood predominantly occupied by residents of another race?") as to busing in general; 75 and 73 percent opposed, respectively (Wall, 1973).
My other studies are pretty much in the same vein. Self-interest is present in the talk over busing but upon closer examination it had little to do with what people actually thought.
QUOTE(Eeyore)
Did you notice that one of your sources was titled something like They Just Killed Busing in the One Place it Actually Worked. The others were articles to pay for or abstracts to enroll for.
Indeed I access most of my sources through databases my college has a subscription to. Local libraries out to have the same either online or in hard copy.
The abstracts are however clear enough that busing was not a failure everywhere.
QUOTE(Eeyore)
While the aftermath of reaction to busing continued the downward trend in these areas, these tended to be schools that were struggling to begin with.
So I don't think I AM confusing cause and effect.
Could you back that with evidence?
I understand that your have anecdotal evidence that speaks against racism as a consideration but the time period is different and it is only one example, not a wider study.