Link to a take on the Spitzer debate, from the Guardian newspaper websiteI don't want to debate the whole issue of the Spitzer case - we've got other live threads to deal with that.
What I found interesting was the following paragraph:
QUOTE(Elizabeth Pisani @ with my emphasis)
For many years now, social policy in the US has been moulded by morality. Interestingly, commercial policy hasn't. It's illegal for one adult to pay another for sex, but perfectly legal for two adults to be paid to have sex with one another by a third person, who will film the encounter and then sell it as pornography to other adults.
I've never seen the argument over prostitution's legal status put in quite this way, but it makes eminent good sense.
I can see an argument that, because pornography is published material, it is covered as protected speech under the First Amendment, therefore it cannot be intrinsically illegal (though, clearly, if anything illegal is filmed - actual rape, child abuse or murder, for example - it can be prosecuted).
Prostitution isn't for publication so can't claim similar constitutional protections. However, politicians like Spitzer - he is far from unique in this in the USA or anywhere else - have made much electoral hay in their muscular opposition to prostitution, without much peep being made about pornography, at least in the USA.
However, at root it is still sex for money the transactional and dehumanising nature of which is usually at the root of objections to prostitution. And other objections to prostitution - immorality, links to organised crime and drug abuse - are also easily levelled at pornography, with as many justifications for making those links (albeit different ones, on different scales).
Even celebrity sex tapes that have come into the public domain (forgive the pun) appear not to have done any special harm to the careers of those filmed in them (especially if they are women - it did great harm to Rob Lowe's career for many years, though that may have been a product of the times) and, in cases such as Pamela Anderson or Paris Hilton (or, in the UK, Abi Titmuss) it appears to have reinvigorated or even launched the careers of those featured in them.
In short, the tone of public debate seems to rest on a consensus view that:
- pornography is
- at best a free expression of liberty in speech and action and
- at worst a reasonably tawdry business but one that is protected in law so let's say no more about it, while
- prostitution is
- at best fairly tawdry, but it's been around forever so let's just do our best to ignore it and
- at worst is a gross exploitation of the vulnerable by the unspeakable and it should be outlawed and those involved should be prosecuted and - if they've been on TV - villified in the 21st century equivalent of the village stocks.
Would prostitution suddenly become ok if all the rooms had webcams and a dedicated site or a 24-hour TV channel?
Is the legislative appetite not there because major corporations, and their campaign donations or media coverage, stand to lose out big time if pornography is made illegal?
Would prostitution be legalised if, say, a major leisure group (let's say, for the sake of argument and because it makes for a fun kind of Zen, the Hilton Group) opened a nationwide chain of clean, well-run brothels at every other freeway stop and offered $30million to whichever political party made it federally legal?
Questions for debate:
Why is there a dichotomy between American attitudes to pornography and prostitution? Or is there no such dichotomy?
Why is it seen as a fit subject for legislators to intervene in - through banning or limiting - transactions where one person pays another to have sex with them, but not where one person pays two other people to have sex with each other and films it for distribution?*
Is it the freedom of speech issue or the commercial interests that make use of pornography - whether or no a spouse gets lied to about it - a non-issue while use of a prostitute is still a major career-limiting move for many prominent men (and women)? Or is it just that there is little or no stigma attached to using pornography but a big one attached to prostitution?Bonus question - a broadening of the last one; (I may start another topic on this one if it has legs)Is it true that, in USA, social policy is driven by moral perspectives while commercial policy is not?
Please give examples.*Even if that distribution is some time after filming, and before anyone points it out, I realise that some pornography is geared around one person paying another to have sex with
them and filming it themselves for distribution, then or later, but the principle - that there's nothing for legislators or commentators to concern themselves with when it comes to sex-for-money, as long as cameras are involved - is still the same.
For the record, I have no particular ideological or moral problem with either pornography or prostitution, provided only consenting adults are involved, but I don't think either of them are such great ideas that I would want my notional future kids to work in either.