QUOTE(Conservpat @ Jun 17 2003, 03:56 PM)
We are overcomplicating things here people. If a child does something wrong, and he/she is spanked, chances are he/she won't do it again. Some people don't like it, cool, don't spank, but, 9/10 it does work. This sensitivity business doesn't work on young children, they don't understand it, so why fix something that isn't broke.
CP

I'd like to hear a parent claim that after a spanking (not a beating), their child never did that, whatever it was, again, CP.
I don't think I was overcomplicating the issue, CP, but I do think you are oversimplifying it. It's NOT a choice between spanking and "this sensitivity business." Discipline
does not have to equate to spanking. Does anyone
like spanking their children? I doubt it. And so my question, which is a simple one, goes unanswered: IF you do not enjoy spanking your children, AND it is perfectly possible to be an effective disciplinarian
without spanking, WHY SPANK?!?!?!? That's not a hard question.
Bill wrote:
QUOTE
He stuck to his opinion to his death, but lots of parents and psychologists today are ignoring the doctor's advice. Now they are saying, if all else fails, try the spanking.
Any sources? I've got a few:
QUOTE
Parents often ask, "Should I spank my child?"
Many parents occasionally lose their patience or, in anger or fear, may spank their youngster. For instance, if a child runs out into the street, a parent may sweep the child up and, in a moment of anxiety for the child's well-being, spank her to emphasize the parent's sense of urgency or worry.
Spanking may relieve a parent's frustration for the moment and extinguish the undesirable behavior for a brief time. But it is the least effective way to discipline.
It is harmful emotionally to both parent and child. Not only can it result in physical harm, but it teaches children that violence is an acceptable way to discipline or express anger. While stopping the behavior temporarily, it does not teach alternative behavior. It also interferes with the development of trust, a sense of security, and effective communication. (Spanking often becomes the method of communication.) It also may cause emotional pain and resentment.
From Caring for Your School-Age Child: Ages 5 to 12, © American Academy of Pediatrics (Bantam, 1995)
QUOTE
Methods: In this general population survey, a probability sample of 9953 residents of Ontario aged 15 years and older who participated in the Ontario Health Supplement was used to examine the prevalence of a history of slapping and spanking. A subgroup of this sample (n = 4888), which comprised people aged 15 to 64 years who did not report a history of physical or sexual abuse during childhood, was used to assess the relation between a history of slapping or spanking and the lifetime prevalence of 4 categories of psychiatric disorder. The measures included a self-administered questionnaire with a question about frequency of slapping and spanking during childhood, as well as an interviewer-administered questionnaire to measure psychiatric disorder.
Results: The majority of respondents indicated that they had been slapped or spanked, or both, by an adult during childhood "sometimes" (33.4%) or "rarely" (40.9%); 5.5% reported that this occurred "often." The remainder (20.2%) reported "never" experiencing these behaviours. Among the respondents without a history of physical or sexual abuse during childhood, those who reported being slapped or spanked "often" or "sometimes" had significantly higher lifetime rates of anxiety disorders (adjusted odds ratio [OR] 1.43, 95% confidence interval [CI] 1.04-1.96), alcohol abuse or dependence (adjusted OR 2.02, 95% CI 1.27-3.21) and one or more externalizing problems (adjusted OR 2.08, 95% CI 1.36-3.16), compared with those who reported "never" being slapped or spanked. There was also an association between a history of slapping or spanking and major depression, but it was not statistically significant (adjusted OR 1.64, 95% CI 0.96-2.80).
Interpretation: There appears to be a linear association between the frequency of slapping and spanking during childhood and a lifetime prevalence of anxiety disorder, alcohol abuse or dependence and externalizing problems.
From CMAJ (Canadian Medical Association Journal), October 5, 1999
QUOTE
The idea that spanking works better than other corrective steps is not supported by the empirical evidence.3-7 It is a cultural myth that distorts our perception of what actually happens in disciplinary encounters. The reality is that, even with normal toddlers, all methods of correction, including spanking, have a very high failure rate in the short run.6 But because of the cultural myth, when nonspanking modes of discipline are used and the almost inevitable repetition of the misbehaviour occurs, after 2 or 3 times parents conclude that this approach did not work and they have to spank. However, when the same almost inevitable repetition of the misbehaviour occurs after spanking, parents are prepared to spank over and over again until it does work. That actually is the right approach: consistency and persistence. What parents need to realize is that this approach is also needed with nonspanking modes of discipline. Thus, spanking is never necessary.
- Murray A. Straus
Family Research Laboratory; University of New Hampshire; Durham, NH
QUOTE
This research was prompted by studies showing that talking to children (including pre-speech children) is associated with an increase in neural connections in the brain and in cognitive performance (Blakeslee, 1997). Those findings led us to theorize that if parents avoid corporal punishment (such as slapping a child's hand or "spanking," i.e., slapping on the buttocks) they are more likely to engage in verbal methods of behavior control such as explaining to the child, and that the increased verbal interaction with the child will in turn enhance the child's cognitive ability.
This theory was tested on 960 children of mothers in the National Longitudinal Study of Youth. This sub-sample consists of the children who were age 1 to 4 in 1986 and for whom cognitiveability measures were available for 1986 and 1990. Corporal punishment was measured by whether the mother was observed hitting the child during the interview and by a question on frequency of spanking in the past week. A corporal punishment scale was created by summing the scores for 1986 and 1988. cognitiveability was measured in 1986 and 1990 by tests appropriate for the age of the child at the time of testing. The cognitive ability scores were standardized relative to other children within one month of the same age, setting the mean at 100 and the standard deviation at 15.
A multiple regression analysis controlled for mothers' age and edition, whether the father was present in the household, number of children in the family, mother's supportiveness and cognitive stimulation, ethnic group, and the child's age, gender,and birthweight. The results indicated that each increase of one point on the six interval corporal punishment scale was associated with an average decrease of .51 points on the measure of cognitiveability. A plot of the mean change in cognitiveability, adjusted for the control variables, showed an increase in cognitiveability from Time 1 to Time 2 for children who were not spanked in either of the two sample weeks, whereas the cognitiveability of children who experienced frequent spanking decreased. Because cognitiveability was measured relative to other children of the same age, the findings indicate that spanking is associated with falling behind the average rate of cognitive development, not an absolute decrease in cognitiveability.
We also found indirect support for the part of the theory which argues that one of the reasons for the higher cognitiveability of children who are spanked the least is because, in the absence of corporal punishment, parents use more verbal methods of control such as explaining to the child. We found that the less corporal punishment the mothers in this sample used, the higher their score on a measure of cognitive stimulation for the child.
From the Abstract to this paper:
CORPORAL PUNISHMENT BY MOTHERS
AND COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT OF CHILDREN:
A LONGITUDINAL STUDY
Murray A. Straus and Mallie J. Paschall
Family Research Laboratory, University of New Hampshire
QUOTE
A2. Spanking Is Needed As A Back-Up Or Last Resort
Even parents who are not in favor of CP usually feel that there may be rare occasions
when it is necessary. Many parents say, “I don’t believe in spanking, but sometimes there is no
alternative. You can’t let a toddler run out in the street and you can’t let a child get away with
things.“ The research evidence shows that this is a myth.
To understand what the research says about this belief, it is necessary to distinguish
between the short-run or immediate-situation effectiveness, intermediate-term effectiveness
such as the subsequent 8 hours, and long-term effects such as months or years later.
The immediate-situation effectiveness of spanking is not in dispute. However, non-violent
control strategies, such as explaining to the child, depriving a privilege, or just walking up
to a child and saying “No” or “Stop,” or putting a child back in a time out chair, work just as well
in the immediate situation (Day and Roberts 1983; Larzelere, Sather, Schneider, Larson, and
Pike 1998; Larzelere, Schneider, Larson, and Pike 1996; LaVoie 1974; Roberts and Powers
1990).
The short-run effectiveness of spanking is also no better than the effectiveness of
alternatives. Figure 14-2 shows that a typical 2-year old is likely to repeat whatever misbehavior
is corrected within the same day, regardless of the method of discipline (none of the differences
between modes of correction are statistically significant). Or putting it another way, with
toddlers, all methods of correction, including spanking, have a very high short-run failure rate.
The “recidivism rate” for toddler misbehavior is about 80% within the same day and 50% within
two hours regardless of whether spanking or some other corrective step has been used
(Larzelere, Schneider, Larson and Pike 1996). For some children and on some occasions for all
children, it is within two minutes.
As for long-term effects, the research clearly shows that non-violent disciplinary
strategies work better. This was shown in chapters 5, 6, and 7 for juvenile violence and
delinquency (see also Figure 14-1 and (Gunnoe and Mariner 1997); and in Chapters 8 and 9 for
violence and other crime by adults and much other research (see also Chart 14-1 Brezina 1999;
Gunnoe and Mariner 1997; Simons, Lin, and Gordon 1998; Straus, Sugarman, and Giles-Sims
1997). On average CP boomerangs and results in an increase in misbehavior. In addition, CP
has many harmful long-term side effects including an increased probability of depression
(DuRant, Getts, Cadenhead, and Emans 1995; Straus 1994), substance abuse, and suicide
(Straus and Kaufman Kantor 1994), and a slower rate of cognitive development and a lower
probability of graduating from college (see chapters 10 and 11). Finally, non-corporal modes of
control also have side effects, but they are likely to be positive, such as a better-developed
conscience (Sears, Maccoby, and Levin 1957), higher self-esteem (Coopersmith 1967), and a
closer bond between the child and the parent (see Chapter 7).
DEMYSTIFYING THE DEFENSES OF
CORPORAL PUNISHMENT *
Murray A. Straus
Family Research Laboratory, University of New Hampshire
The Swedish Example:
QUOTE
1920: At this time severe beatings were being given to children in Sweden often based on religious (Lutheran) influence. Legislators made a change in the law stating that parents should not punish children, but rather reprimand them. However the legal defense of parent's rights to use corporal punishment remained in the law. In other words, assault was illegal in the country except in the case of a parent against his or her child.
1950: The legal defense of corporal punishment was removed from the assault law. Therefore children now had the same rights, on the books, as adults to be protected from assault. However, parents still had right to use mild corporal reprimands, which were not considered assault. And state institutions could still use corporal punishment.
In 1959 something brilliant happened. Some group was able to persuade school institutions, staff, and administration to resist using corporal punishment for one year as an experiment. After the year, reports showed success without corporal punishment.
1960: Abolition of corporal punishment in public institutions.
1966: The paragraph giving parents the right to use light corporal punishment was removed from the law.
1979: A high profile case of a father beating his three-year-old daughter and still winning the court case demonstrated that the law, as written, was not enough to guarantee courts interpreting the current law equally for children as it did for adults. Therefore a public education campaign began which included a large exhibition on child abuse in Stockholm which 60,000 people saw. Two things emerged from this campaign, 1) A commission was appointed to look into the present law, and 2) Based on the commission's findings and review by thirty experts, the following historic law was passed:
Children are entitled to care, security, and a good upbringing. Children are to be treated with respect for their person and individuality and may not be subjected to physical punishment or other injurious or humiliating treatment.
More brilliance:
No penalties were attached to the law (except for assault). Violating parents would be helped with support and education. This aspect greatly helped the law's passage.
The country printed and distributed pamphlets that outlined the reasons for the law and alternative democratic means of gaining children's compliance. These pamphlets were placed in all medical facilities dealing with parents and children and in schools.
The law was printed on milk cartons for two months so that families could discuss it over meals.
The law and pamphlet material was integrated into the nation's ninth grade school curriculum, which covered child development.
Swedish public opinion shifts. Acceptance of corporal punishment steadily diminishes:
1. Poll results from 1965 - 1994
Answering "yes" to the following statements --
"Corporal punishment is sometimes necessary."
1965 - 53%
1968 - 42%
1971 - 35%
1981 - 26%
1994 - 11%
"Children should be brought up without corporal punishment."
1965 - 35%
1971 - 60%
2. It was observed that Swedish parents were quite permissive in the eighties after the law was passed and the educational campaign had begun. However, by the nineties, that situation had been largely corrected. Skilled democratic childrearing methods had evolved, displacing permissiveness.
The number of child abuse cases received by St. Goan's Hospital in 1989 had fallen to one sixth the 1970 level, and Sweden had one half the abuse rate, and one-third the child abuse-related fatality rate as the U.S.
Researched by Al Crowell, based on the book The Swedish Ban on Corporal Punishment: Its History and Effects from Joan E. Durrant, Ph.D
ConservPat, we may indeed be talking about fixing something that IS broke.