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I presume this might be what led some military brass to increase projected casualty numbers, but I'm curious as to what the real strength of Japanese troops in Kyushu was before either the first or second atomic bomb.
First, the brass never increased the projected casualty numbers based on the Japanese strength increase. The projections remained at @220,000 US casualties. The projections for Operation Olympic alone, the invasion of Kyushu, were for 132,500 US casualties. This projection was made under the intelligence estimate that the Japanese would have 350,000 troops (6 divisions + lotsa other stuff) on Kyushu, with the likely addition of 4 more divisions
after the invasion commenced. SIGINT put the Japanese strength in June 1945 as equal to the expected for the invasion in November. There is, however, no evidence that this information was made available to the President. All evidence points to Truman (and the "Interim Committee") making the decision based on the earlier estimates. As a result, your cynical charge that the "brass" inflated the numbers in order to get Truman to drop the Bomb is unfounded.
Second, the "real strength" of Japanese forces on Kyushu when the bombs were dropped? MIS estimates were 11 divisions (534,000 troops), with another 2 divisions (40,000) suspected yet not confirmed. Post war Japanese records confirmed that there were 14 Japanese Army division on Kyushu on 2 Aug, 1945, with a total of 900,000 troops assigned to the defense of Kyushu (almost 3 times the estimate that Truman based his decision on!)
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While I am not myself a historian, it would seem to me other historians reviewing the matter might also get the impression that a naval blockade could be effective from reviewing the opinions of those commanders overseeing many of the operations.
The commanders were wrong. In the June 18th meeting that decided on proceeding with Operation Olympic, Marshall repeatedly emphasized the assesment of the Joint Planners that air and naval power had already reduced movement of Japanese shipping south of Korea and should, in the ensuing few months, "cut it to a trickle if not choke it off entirely", an assessment Marshall claims was shared by Nimitz and MacArthur. Was the optimistic assessment in error? Yes, because by the end of the following next month the Japanese had managed to get 8 more divisions onto Kyushu than anticipated.... clearly, things weren't quite as "choked" as had been hoped.
Regarding your planners who object to the use of the Bomb, Stimson and Marshall were both on the committee that recommended its use. Eisenhower was in command in Europe, not the Pacific, so his perspective is less than useful.
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Going into his part of the speech about the dreaded typhoon, Mr. Griangreco, as I'm sure any other historian would, has to speculate first that Japan would not have surrendered and secondly that events would have unfolded much as he depicts them, neglecting the entrance of the Soviet Union into the fray. With the arrival of the Soviet Union into the war I don't believe it's clear that Kyushu would have remained a staging point, or that Japan would have been able to last even to October 9 (the typhoon) facing both America and Soviet Russia.
Clearly the same planners that you just applauded had no doubt whatsoever on the subject, since they were planning Operation Olympic and Operation Coronet, both of which they fully expected to take place after October. The Soviet entry is problematic, because the Soviets actually had very limited ability to strike the Japanese main islands. They did not have an invasion fleet, so how exactly was the Red Army supposed to roll over Japan? They didn't have a strategic bomber fleet capable of hitting anything of significance in Japan, so how were they going to play a part in forcing the surrender?
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you'll notice that reassessment of history, following the declassification of military assessments written at the time, indicates the number of projected Allied casualties for an invasion never reached or exceeded 100,000,
Well, strictly speaking, both the Joint War Plans committee and MacArthur's staff had estimates of over 105,000 for the first
90 days, based on the June estimates of projected Japanese strength on November 1(estimates that I've already demonstrated were barely half of the ACTUAL strength the Japanese had reached by August...).
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No doubt the article must have its flaws though since it repeats those "laughable" estimates I quoted from sources earlier.
Of course it has its flaws. MY point in introducing the article wasn't to demonstrate the accuracy of American casualty calculations, but rather to demonstrate the inaccuracy of the contention that the Japanese were falling all over themselves to surrender. BTW, what basis do you have in saying that the Japanese Army officer being quoted is a "young Japanese soldier" (with the implication that he doesn't know what he's talking about.....) Why a "group of scientists and engineers" would be interrogating a clueless butterbar is beyond me, but if such an unconscious characterization suits your agenda, I'm more than happy to demolish it.

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Beyond that, The Atlantic also doesn't consider the impact of the Soviet Union entering the war in August of 1945.
You're right, it doesn't. So? The impact is very hard to judge, because anybody who wants to claim that the entry of the Soviets on August 8th led to the Japanese surrender has to contend with Hiroshima (August 6) and then Nagasaki (August 9). Which was it? Was it the deadly cocktail? Was it purely the Soviet entry? Was Nagasaki the tipping point? We don't know, but we do know by May the Japanese were bringing forces home from Manchuria and Korea for the defense of the Home Islands, so its hard to imagine that the loss of Asia was a big priority by that time. They'd written them off...
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And in its comparisons between the atomic bombs and the incendiary bombings that came before it lacks the information to accurately detail the lasting effects of radiation for those civilians who survived the bombing and those who came after them.
True. It also doesn't account for the 100,000 Chinese casualties a month that were dying at the hands of the Japanese, folks who would have continued dying without the use of the Bomb. Nor does it account for the
millions who would likely have died under Soviet occupation of all or part of Japan, as well as the additional millions of South Koreans. What reason is there to think that the Soviets would have inflicted that scale of casualties?
The Soviet Union entered the war against Japan on August 8th. The Japanese toll? For 4 weeks of "combat", somewhere between 340,000 and 376,000 Japanese died or disappeared forever in Soviet captivity. The death toll inflicted by Hitler and Tojo pales against that of Mao, who arose under Soviet influence AFTER WW2.
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I feel it's important to remember that Japan was actually trying to surrender, and likely would have done so at Potsdam had it not been for the intervention of
Secretary of State Byrnes and his decision to remove Article 12. It's interesting
(to me anyway) to note that on July 7 Byrnes was made aware that Japan was prepared to surrender so long as the United States would guarantee the continued reign of the Emperor, and
then saw to it that the provision guaranteeing it was removed from the Potsdam Declaration.
"Remember" all you want, because
even after the Bombs, after the Soviet entry, after the guarantee of the Emperor the
tie vote for surrender still required the Emperor's intervention to break. The Japanese
knew they were going to surrender, probably as early as January 1945. They were fighting so they could surrender on
their terms.
That was the sticking point. The Japanese military, which still controlled the government, couldn't abide by these three elements of the Potsdam Declaration: Occupation by the victors, disarmament and demilitarization by the victors, and war crime trials, by the victors, i.e., the same situation the Germans faced. What was the political likelihood of giving the Japanese far more favorable terms than the Germans had recieved? zilch, 'cause in July '45, there's
no way that would have flown at home.
The more I look at it, the more your argument that using the Bomb was the wrong thing to do appears to proceed from the conclusion that the action was immoral, and then works backward trying to build support.
It just doesn't work. You can't justify your position on the basis of civilian casualties, since just another month of full scale conflict would have led to another 100,000 civilian casualties in China, potentially 400,000 civilian casualties in Hokkaido under the planned Soviet invasion (I'm skeptical of that plan though....), and most devastatingly, the destruction of the Japanese rail network, which
would have resulted in massive famine that would have continued for months after the end of war, killing millions. As it was, thousands died from famine in the first year after the war
with an intact rail network and
with limited US food aid.
There's no way you can justify it on the basis of military casualties, since the above scenarios would certainly have involved higher US casualties than the Bomb did, and, given the Japanese propensity for fighting to the bitter end, even higher Japanese military casualties than the 43,000 who died at Hiroshima. (hmmmm, 43,000 military casualties and it
wasn't a military target? Guess they must have all been on leave at the time, just visiting...)
You're left with "Dropping the Bomb was wrong because, well, dropping the Bomb was wrong."
Regarding the concerns about the Soviets as a justification, whether to intimidate them with the Bomb or to end the war before they could get a serious foothold in Japan, here's something I've turned up:
"Unless the mere entry by the USSR somehow caused an immediate surrender on the unconditional terms being demanded by Washington, the Potsdam experience was likely to reinforce the tendency among at least some US officials to see any gain resulting from Soviet entry as also carrying a serious potential cost -- the possible emergence of a Far Eastern version of the Soviet hegemony that was beginning to be imposed on Eastern Europe."
Apparently, the "Potsdam experience" as less than pleasant.

Let's, for a moment, take a stroll down AlterReality lane. Let's assume that the Bomb was developed, but it was not used to end WW2. Let's assume, as well, the
best case scenario, that the Japanese capitulated to US demands on August 9th with the entry of the Soviets into the war.
We had the Bomb. The Soviets, having already stolen the B-29, was hard at work moving to match American military technology. Sooner or later, they would have learned about the Bomb (probably sooner, given the Rosenbergs and Co), and developed their own. Perhaps it would have taken them a few more years, but in all probability, they would have had the Bomb.
When would the first Bomb have been used? What powerful psycho-social impact did the use of the Bomb to
end a war would be lost? Would the first use of the Bomb have been at the beginning of a war, only to be followed by many more in a flurry of mushrooms without any benefit of the doctrines that have grown up to limit the use of nuclear weapons?
The course to the Atomic Age was set irrevocably in 1939, if not earlier, and in the overall scope, I'm thankful that their fury and terrible power was revealed at the end of a war, rather than hidden until a later day. Imagine the Cuban Missile Crisis,
without MAD, or the Red Army rolling across Europe in 1948 only to be obliterated in a hail of nuclear weapons.
It is a comforting fantasy to believe that the world would be a much better place if Hiroshima and Nagasaki hadn't been nuked. I fear, however, that it is an implausible fantasy, because there is an immutable fact of human nature. We have yet to invent a type of weapon that has never been used, at least once. (I'm using "type" in a broad sense). Hopefully, we've made the bar for nukes and they won't ever be used again.