Of course they should have access to the court system. They are on US soil, after all. That's where the government messed up, I think. If they had been maintained at, say, a camp in Afghanistan, by American soldiers, no problem. This quote is from the story you linked to:
QUOTE
The U.S. military says its interrogations have yielded important intelligence information. The government cites a 53-year-old case as precedent for denying courts the habeas corpus jurisdiction to hear appeals of non-citizens held on non U.S. soil. A writ of habeas corpus is used to bring a prisoner before the court to determine if the person's detention is lawful and justified.
But they were brought to a US military installation, and regardless of what country it's in, that base is considered US property, as long as the provisions of the lease are maintained. This, from a history of
Gitmo.
QUOTE
In all provisions regarding the Guantanamo area, the original agreement (February 1903) and the supplementary agreement were later confirmed by the Treaty of 1934 between the United States and Cuba, signed at Washington on 29 May 1934. This treaty has the effect of giving the United States a perpetual lease on this reservation, capable of being voided only by our abandoning the area or by mutual agreement between the two countries.
Thus it is clear that at Guantanamo Bay we have a Naval reservation which, for all practical purposes, is American territory. Under the foregoing agreements, the United States has for approximately fifty years exercised the essential elements of sovereignty over this territory, without actually owning it. Unless we abandon the area or agree to a modification of the terms of our occupancy, we can continue in the present status as long as we like. Persons on the reservation are amenable only to United States legislative enactments .
That means that they are entitled to the same kind of protections that everyone else in this country have. Those who had knowledge of, and participated in terrorist attacks, should be tried, post-haste. The government has said that their interrogations have yielded plenty of information. Fine. There should be plenty to charge them and convict them in trials, then. If not, they should be released.
The other, more troubling thing, is that we are not doing this just to non-citizens, but to US citizens, as well. Again, from your story link:
QUOTE
Jose Padilla and Yaser Hamdi are U.S. citizens who are not yet charged with any crime, are being held in U.S. custody indefinitely, and have no access to a lawyer.
QUOTE
Padilla and Hamdi could face special military tribunals, designed for a handful of those captured in the war on terror. These trials would be held in secret and even if found not guilty, the defendant could remain in custody indefinitely. The government promises full and fair trials, but so far none have been announced, and the guidelines are still being worked out.
Just how long does it take to work out the guidelines for having a trial in this country? I thought that we had a pretty good handle on it myself, seeing as we have been doing it for over 200 years... Apparently not
The scariest part of all though, is that under the Patriot Act, the Justice Department and the President can basically do this to anyone in this country they want. From the
Cato Institute:
QUOTE
Jose Padilla is the U.S. citizen who supposedly plotted to detonate a "dirty bomb." Since his capture -- not on the battlefields of Afghanistan or Iraq, but at Chicago's O'Hare Airport -- he has not been charged with any crime. Yet, for more than a year, Padilla has been held incommunicado in a South Carolina military brig.
Consider this specious logic, endorsed by the Bush administration: Under the Sixth Amendment, the right to counsel does not apply until charges are filed. The government has not charged Padilla. Ordinarily, U.S. citizens cannot be detained without charge. But the administration has avoided that technicality by designating Padilla as an "enemy combatant," then proclaiming that the court may not second-guess his designation.
Essentially, on orders of the executive branch, anyone could wind up imprisoned by the military with no way to assert his innocence. That frightening prospect was echoed by J. Harvie Wilkinson, the respected and steadfastly conservative chief judge of the Fourth Circuit. In a case involving another U.S. citizen, Yaser Hamdi, Wilkinson warned, "With no meaningful judicial review, any American citizen alleged to be an enemy combatant could be detained indefinitely without charges or counsel." Judge Wilkinson upheld Hamdi's detention but pointedly noted that Hamdi's battlefield capture was like "apples and oranges" compared to Padilla's arrest in Chicago. "We aren't placing our imprimatur upon a new day of executive detentions," Wilkinson cautioned.
Either charge them and try them, or release them. Surely no more timely, relevant information can be hed from most of these people. Those that we have information against can be tried in military tribunals, if we must, to protect intelligence measures. But to continue holding them without charging them or realising them, is a violation of the Constitution.