I do not believe this is copyrighted material:
http://www.wroc.org/mythfact.htmWelfare Myths and Facts
Myth: TANF (formerly known as AFDC) encourages family break up and out of wedlock births.
Fact: Single parent households are on the rise, but it is not due to TANF. While the value of the welfare cash benefit fell during the last twenty years, the number of mother-only households rose. Meanwhile, the number of married couple households in the U.S. fell from 40% in 1980 to 26% in 1990. Of all the women who are eligible for TANF (poor unmarried women with children under age 18) the proportion who actually received cash assistance fell from 60% in 1970 to 45% in 1988.
Comment: Unwed motherhood pre-dated TANF and is on the rise due to divorce, delayed marriage, changing sexual norms, the falling standard for living and other social conditions. Welfare does not cause families to break up, but does give women an alternative to unsafe and insecure marriages. The country would be better serviced by an income support program that served individuals regardless of marital status.
Myth: Women on welfare have "kids for money."
Fact: Despite years of research, studies have found no link between the welfare grant and births outside marriage. In fact, births to parents on assistance are less than births to families in the general public. States provide somewhere between $40 and $65 per month per additional child. In Washington State a two person household receives $440; a three person household receives $546. In contrast the average tax payer receives a $2,500 (about $200 a month) tax deduction for dependents. No one claims that taxpayers have more children just to get a larger tax deduction.
Comment: Neither TANF nor the tax deduction for dependent children are rewards for having children. Rather, these income supplements recognize the value of children to society and the high cost of raising children. The U.S. is the only industrialized nation other than South Africa and Japan that does not provide families with an automatic grant for every child.
Myth: Few Women on welfare are white.
Fact: In Washington state, 75% of welfare recipients are white/Anglo and 25% are black. Of all TANF mothers, in King County, 43% are people of color.
Comment: Women of color are over represented among those on welfare because they are over represented among the poor. The idea that TANF is a program primarily for women of color is used to mask the fact that so many TANF mothers are white, to divide women from each other and to make welfare a tool in the politics of race.
Myth: Those who work are not poor.
Fact: Eight million workers, or seven percent of the workforce, work and are poor. Sixty percent of all poor children live with someone who works part or full time. Until the mid-1970's, the minimum wage lifted those who worked full time, year round, out of poverty. In 1992, it left a three person family $3,863 below the poverty line. Average hourly pay rates for non-supervisory workers were lower in 1990 than in any year since 1964. The poverty rate increased faster during the 1980 recovery than during the 1960 recovery, even though low income households increased their employment levels more in the 1980's than in the 1960's. The main reason for this was that in the 1980's, the decline in wages canceled out some of the gains from increased work.
Comment: For a segment of the population, the promise of the American dream, that if you work, you will not be poor, has not been kept for the last 15 years.
Myth: Once on welfare always on welfare.
Fact: While they may return for a period of time within five years, 70% of women receive welfare for less than two years. Research on intergenerational welfare use shows that the greatest indicator of needing public assistance is being poor.
Comment: The biggest cause of welfare seems to be poverty. It is very hard for children of poor women to escape poverty, especially in the current economy with its falling wages. It's hard to work your way out of poverty. People working at minimum wage jobs earn less than $9,000 per year. Employers pay women 65 cents for every dollar earned by men. The federal poverty level for a family of three in 1994 was $12,324 and for a family of four, $14,808.
Myth: Welfare recipients are lazy and do not want to work.
Fact: Of the 14 million TANF recipients, only 4.9 million are adults, 90% of whom are women - many mothers of young children. In nearly half of welfare homes, the youngest child is under six years of age. In Washington state, up to 40% of the parents are working outside the home at least part time or part year. Others combine work and welfare. Some adult women are not able to work due to illness, disability or lack of education and job skills. Still other TANF mothers want to work but cannot find a job (10% of all single mothers are unemployed) or cannot find jobs that pay enough.
Comment: If work paid enough, fewer people would need welfare. Research shows that it takes at least $8.00 an hour for a parent to be able to keep her family off welfare. If taking care of one's own child was defined as "work", all mothers would be considered working. According to recent calculations, their labors would be worth at least $1,990.
Myth: Welfare mothers have it easy.
Fact: The maximum welfare benefit for a family of three in Washington State is $546 a month or $6,552 a year. This is 43% of the state need standard for a family of three. The real (after inflation) value of the grant fell 45% from 1970 to 1993, 27% if food stamps are not counted. In no state in the country do food stamps and welfare benefits together lift a family of three up to the poverty level. Meanwhile, during the 1980's, the average pre-tax income of the richest 20% of families rose 77%, while that of the poorest has declined 9%.
Comment: Instead of helping poor women and children live high on the hog, welfare keeps mother-only families living in poverty. But government programs do not have to keep people poor. Cross-national studies show that U.S. income and support programs lifted less than 5% of single mothers with children out of poverty in the 1980's, compared with 89% in the Netherlands, 81% in Sweden, 75% in the United Kingdom, 50% in France, 33% in Germany, and 18.3% in Canada
Okay, and some more:
http://www.fair.org/extra/9505/welfare-myths.html1. Poor women have more children because of the "financial incentives" of welfare benefits.
Repeated studies show no correlation between benefit levels and women's choice to have children. (See, for example, Urban Institute Policy and Research Report, Fall/93.) States providing relatively higher benefits do not show higher birth rates among recipients.
In any case, welfare allowances are far too low to serve as any kind of "incentive": A mother on welfare can expect about $90 in additional AFDC (Aid to Families with Dependent Children) benefits if she has another child.
Furthermore, the real value of AFDC benefits, which do not rise with inflation, has fallen 37 percent during the last two decades (The Nation, 12/12/94). Birth rates among poor women have not dropped correspondingly.
The average family receiving AFDC has 1.9 children -- about the same as the national average.
2. We don't subsidize middle-class families.
Much of the welfare debate has centered around the idea of "family caps"--denying additional benefits to women who have children while receiving aid. This is often presented as simple justice: "A family that works does not get a raise for having a child. Why then should a family that doesn't work?" columnist Ellen Goodman wrote in the Boston Globe (4/16/92).
In fact, of course, families do receive a premium for additional children, in the form of a $2,450 tax deduction. There are also tax credits to partially cover child care expenses, up to a maximum of $2,400 per child. No pundit has suggested that middle-class families base their decision to have children on these "perks."
3. The public is fed up with spending money on the poor.
"The suspicion that poorer people are getting something for nothing is much harder to bear than the visible good fortune of the richer," wrote columnist Mary McGrory (Washington Post, 1/15/95). But contrary to such claims from media pundits, the general public is not so hard-hearted. In a December 1994 poll by the Center for the Study of Policy Attitudes (CSPA), 80 percent of respondents agreed that the government has "a responsibility to try to do away with poverty." (Fighting Poverty in America: A Study of American Attitudes, CSPA)
Support for "welfare" is lower than support for "assistance to the poor," but when CSPA asked people about their support for AFDC, described as "the federal welfare program which provides financial support for unemployed poor single mothers with children," only 21 percent said funding should be cut, while 29 percent said it should be increased.
4. We've spent over $5 trillion on welfare since the '60s and it hasn't worked.
Conservatives and liberals alike use this claim as proof that federal poverty programs don't work, since after all that "lavish" spending, people are still poor. But spending on AFDC, the program normally referred to as welfare, totaled less than $500 billion from 1964 to 1994--less than 1.5 percent of federal outlays for that period, and about what the Pentagon spends in two years.
To get the $5 trillion figure, "welfare spending" must be defined to include all means-tested programs, including Medicaid, food stamps, student lunches, scholarship aid and many other programs. Medicaid, which is by far the largest component of the $5 trillion, goes mostly to the elderly and disabled; only about 16 percent of Medicaid spending goes to health care for AFDC recipients. ("What Do We Spend on 'Welfare'?," Center for Budget and Policy Priorities)
Furthermore, the poverty rate did fall between 1964 and 1973, from 19 percent to 11 percent, with the advent of "Great Society" programs. Since the 1970s, economic forces like declining real wages as well as reduced benefit levels have contributed to rising poverty rates.
5. Anyone who wants to get off welfare can just get a job.
Many welfare recipients do work to supplement meager benefits (Harper's, 4/94). But workforce discrimination and the lack of affordable child care make working outside the home difficult for single mothers. And the low-wage, no-benefit jobs available to most AFDC recipients simply do not pay enough to lift a family out of poverty.
Although it is almost never mentioned in conjunction with the welfare debate, the U.S. Federal Reserve has an official policy of raising interest rates whenever unemployment falls below a certain point--now about 6.2 percent (Extra!, 9-10/94). In other words, if all the unemployed women on welfare were to find jobs, currently employed people would have to be thrown out of work to keep the economy from "overheating."
And even more- from a gov site:
http://wtw.doleta.gov/resources/myths.aspA Report of the U.S. Department of Labor
February, 1998
WELFARE MYTHS:
Myth #1. More and More People are on Welfare...
Jan. 1993 5.5% of the total population on welfare
Jan. 1997 3.9% of the total population on welfare
Source: U.S. Dept. Of Health and Human Services,
Administration for Children and Families: U.S. Census Bureau
Myth #2. Welfare Grants are Too High...
The Poverty Gap: Average Monthly Income for a household of three:
Welfare Income: $ 499
Federal Poverty Level $1,043
Source: U.S. Dept. Of Health and Human Services, ACF
"Characteristics and Financial Circumstances of AFDC Recipients"
1996, U.S. Census Bureau
Myth #3. Most Welfare Parents are Teenagers...
Age of Parents in Welfare Families
6% 19 years and under
21% 20-24 years
21% 25-29 years
35% 30-39 years
17% 40 years and over
Source: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, ACF
"Characteristics and Financial Circumstances of AFDC Recipients"
1996, U.S. Census Bureau
WELFARE FACTS
Actually Welfare Families are Much Like Other Families...
Fact #1. Most Welfare Families are Small...
Number of Children in Welfare Families General Population
One Child 43.9% 41.1%
Two Children 29.9% 38.6%
Three Children 15.0% 20.3% (three or more)
Four or More Children 9.2%
Source: U.S. Dept. Of Health and Human Services, ACF
"Characteristics and Financial Circumstances of AFDC Recipients"
1996, U.S. Census Bureau
Fact #2. Welfare Families are Diverse...
36.9% African American
35.9% White
20.8% Hispanic
6.4% Other
. Source: U.S. Dept. Of Health and Human Services, ACF
"Characteristics and Financial Circumstances of AFDC Recipients"
1996, U.S. Census Bureau
Fact #3. Over One-Third of Welfare Families Have Stayed on Welfare for One Year or Less...
Time on Welfare:
1 year or under 34.3%
1-2 years 16.3%
2-3 years 11.9%
3-4 years 8.7%
4-5 years 6.4%
5 or more years 22.1%
Source: U.S. Dept. Of Health and Human Services, ACF
"Characteristics and Financial Circumstances of AFDC Recipients"
1996, U.S. Census Bureau
Fact #4. Most Welfare Mothers have Some Work Experience...
61% Prior Work Experience
39% No Prior Work Experience
Source: Indicators of Welfare Dependence and Well-Being
Interim Report to Congress, HHS, October 1996.
WELFARE CHALLENGES
Welfare Families Often Face Greater Challenges to Independence...
Challenge #1. Most Welfare Mothers are Single Parents...
Marital Status of Welfare Mothers
13% Married Husband Present
48% Never Married
23% Widowed or Divorced
17% Married, Husband Absent
Source: Census Brief, March, 1995
Challenge #2. Some of the Most Powerful Predictors of Long-Term Stays on Welfare are Marital Status and Education Level
Percent of Long-Term Welfare Recipients with Given Characteristics
72% Never Married when Starting on Welfare
64% Under Age 25 when Starting on Welfare
63% High School Dropout/No GED
50% No Prior Work Experience
Long-Term: > 60 months
Source: National Longitudinal Study for Youth, 1979-1993
Challenge #3. Most Welfare Children Need Reliable Child Care in Order for the Mother to Work...
Ages of Welfare Children
43.8% 5 years and under
37.5% 6-12 years
18.3% 13-18 years
The average age of recipient children is 7.6 years.
Source: U.S. Dept. Of Health and Human Services, ACF
"Characteristics and Financial Circumstances of AFDC Recipients"
1996, U.S. Census Bureau
Challenge #4. Nearly Half of Welfare Mothers have Less than a High School Education...
Education at Time of Initial Receipt of Welfare
47% High School Dropout (No GED)
53% High School Graduate (or GED) or More Education
Source: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services
Blue Book to Congress, October 1996
Challenge #5. Many Welfare Mothers have only Worked in Low-Wage/Low-Skill Jobs...
Food Service Occupations
Other Sales Occupations
Administrative Support Occupations
Cleaning and Building Service Occupations
Health Service Occupations
WELFARE SOLUTIONS
A Call to Action..
In crafting solutions for reforming welfare, clearly, government has a key role to play. This past year, President Clinton proposed and Congress adopted a $3 billion program to help move welfare recipients into work. This program is targeted at the hardest-to-employ welfare recipients: people who have been on welfare for a long period, have limited reading and math skills and poor work histories, and, in some cases, are struggling to overcome substance abuse problems.
Our program will help fund innovative and creative solutions in communities across the country. The money doesn't go to distant bureaucracies. Mayors and local workforce development councils will decide how best to move people into work.
While $3 billion sounds like a lot of money, it is not nearly enough to get this difficult job done. Local and state governments will also have to come forward with transportation, child care, training, and job retention services. And in some cases, state and local governments may also have to hire some new workers.
But moving people from the welfare rolls to payrolls will require the help of more than federal, state, and local governments. In fact, I am issuing a call to action in which everyone has a role to play.
Employers -- thousands of employers in every part of our country -- must offer real work at decent wages to the hundreds of thousands of welfare recipients who are looking for a job. Providing the first job is crucial, but providing the skills for a second or third job is no less important. Workers need not one job, but a career.
In our booming economy, it should be possible for employers to provide jobs and fair wages, skills development and supportive services to new workers. But in 3 years or 5 years or 10, when the economy isn't as strong, labor markets aren't so tight, and profits aren't setting records, employers will need to sustain their commitment to hiring welfare recipients.
Churches, synagogues, and mosques have roles to play. They must continue their long tradition, founded on scriptural dictates, of helping those struggling to help themselves. Every congregant in every house of worship in every part of this country should ask his or her cleric how the congregation can help fulfill the obligation to move people from welfare to work.
If you can't hire a new worker, you can help give them interview skills so that someone else will. If your community does not have adequate public transportation, you can organize a car pool. If your child care or senior care center can make room for a few more participants, why not offer that service to a new worker.
Welfare recipients seeking jobs -- I prefer to call them "new workers" -- have the most at stake and the toughest obstacles to overcome. These new workers must struggle each and every day to achieve the dignity that comes with work; it will not be handed to them.
But even in the face of obstacles, I have learned as I've met with new workers around the country that they will struggle mightily to achieve success. Because people on welfare are just like you and me. They have the same basic hopes and fears. They want a job that brings self-worth and validation. They want to support their families and contribute to their communities. They want pride and dignity, just like those of us who have been lucky enough never to need public assistance.
As a nation, we have a long way to go to move thousands from welfare to work and to a lifetime of economic security and self-sufficiency. But ending welfare as we know it is not enough. We must assure that every family has the opportunity to make a fair claim on our nation's prosperity. I believe we can succeed in this difficult task, and assure a broadly shared prosperity for all Americans.
Alexis M. Herman
Secretary
U.S. Department of Labor
February, 1998