QUOTE(Amlord @ Jul 14 2004, 09:24 AM)
Let's say that a group of young Muslim-looking men were seen repeatedly photographing the Sears Tower (just as an example). These same guys showed up each day, taking pictures, asking questions and talking in Arabic. Should we be suspicious of these guys? They haven't broken any laws, but they are acting suspiciously. Should we investigate? Under what pretense?
But recall, that during WW2, we actually rounded up Japanese Americans (citizens or not) and kept them in internment camps. The effects of this did not linger after the threat was resolved. Neither should we expect the Patriot Act to linger after the danger has passed. Now is not the time to block law enforcement from protecting us from a threat that the government describes as a "when" not an "if".
In our recent history we have gone in excess in the name of national defense at the expense of what we purported to have been protecting several times--our liberty.
Our cherished freedoms and liberties are most often cited as the reason to fight. They are often conjured up on Memorial day and Veterans day to remind us that many people have sacrificed their lives to protect our freedom. Slogans like freedom isn't free come to mind.
Soldiers in the field have played a vital role on one front of this activity. But this front has it perils of excess that can cause just as much damage to our country as enemies from without or within can.
Along with the soldiers we need to remember the other heroes of our freedoms and liberties who have used pen and persuasion, civil disobedience, and courage in the face of accepted injustices to push for freedom and protect our civil liberties.
The Patriot Act was granted in a moment of fear and threatens our civil liberties. Its necessity needs to be convincingly proven to the American public on a regular basis. If it is a temporary expedient to solving our present dilemma, our most talented people should be busy coming up with a better solution than sacrificing Fourth Amendment rights in what has been described as a contest going on through the foreseeable future. Strengthening the Patriot Act could mean making it protect civil liberties better and better subjecting it to our process of checks and balances.
In our history we have made several periods of mistakes. One was during World war I where we suspended too many civil liberties and prosecuted free speech too vigorously.
In 1798 we started with the Alien and Sedition Acts.
In 1917 and 1918 was passed the Espionage and Sedition Acts and used them to crush the political left in our country in light of the American Sciolist Party's opposition to the war effort.
The law was also used to prosecute other odd cases.
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Robert Goldstein, a motion picture producer, had made a movie about the American Revolution called The Spirit of '76, before the United States entered the war. When he released the picture after the declaration of war, he was accused of undermining American morale. A judge told him that his depiction of heartless British redcoats caused Americans to question their British allies. He was sentenced to a 10 year prison term and fined $5,000.
Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer and J. Edgar Hoover launched a campaign against radicals in 1919-1920 that rounded up and deported many people to Russia on the so-called Soviet Ark without using due process rights.
In the early 1950s Joseph McCarthy exploited American fears of communist infiltration for fame and political power.
The worst of these types of episodes in my mind was the internment of Japanese nationals living in the United states (many not citizens because citizenship had been legally denied to them) and Japanese American citizens. This has been referred to in this thread as follows
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The effects of this did not linger after the threat was resolved.
The effects of all of our liberties exist in this precedent. This should be an event that we look back upon and condemn, not raise up as an example of a successful temporary suppression of civil liberties.
Why did we do this? We did it to act proactively against possible agents by punishing people based on the ethnicity and/or national origin.
When faced with the fact that Japanese Americans on the mainland had not been caught engaging in any criminal activity (in Hawaii, where the Japanese population consisted of 1/3 of the labor force internment was applied on a limited basis and not in a wholesale fashion) the military commander in charge of the western United States at the time, General John L. DeWitt, came up with this classic gem of double speak to justify this injustice:
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DeWitt's Final Report: Japanese Evacuation from the West Coast did not present any evidence of sabotage or espionage that had occurred, merely that "there were indications that these [Japanese] are organized and ready for concerted action at a favorable opportunity.
The very fact that no sabotage or espionage has taken place to date is disturbing and confirming indication that such action will take place."
Executive Order 9066This internment caused long term damage to the economic stanging of the Japanese in California, who had occupied land that would be of tremendous value today and dominated the fishing industry.
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One half of employed Japanese-Americans on the West Coast were in agriculture. They were the largest force in California's fruit and vegetable markets; agricultural experts expected thirty-five percent of California's 1942 truck crops to come from Japanese-Americans.1 Japanese-American farms in 1940 were worth $72 million plus $6 million in equipment. Per acre their farms were worth $279.96, in contrast to the average value of $37.94 for all California farms. "I find no popular demand for the efforts to drive the so-called alien enemies from California," said one indignant attorney. "The clamor seems to come from chambers of commerce, Associated Farmers, and the newspapers notorious as spokesmen for reactionary interests. In view of this fact, effort should be made to determine whether there is any connection between the clamor for the dispossession of the Japanese farmers and the desire of these clamoring interests to get possession of the Japanese farms and the elimination of the Japanese competition."
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Businessmen were unable to collect debts owned to them; tenants of Japanese-Americans got bargain rents or stopped paying rent altogether after the landlords were apprehended.56 The government warned that Japanese-American farmers who failed to maintain crops until internment would be treated as war saboteurs. Those crops were then seized by private individuals at harvest time.57 Agricultural buildings and equipment owned by Japanese-Americans who operated farms under lease were lost when the Japanese-Americans had to give up their leases.58 Victims who attempted to retain property faced loss of equity when they could not keep up mortgage or tax payments.59 Victims who sold hotels could not realize income from wartime travelers to robust defense industry cities, a monetary loss difficult to compute but nonetheless real. And not all property losses were monetary. The Army forced victims to sell, give away, or euthanize family pets
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After the war Congress permitted victims to seek compensation from the government, but failure to produce any documentary records demanded by the government was punishable by a $10,000 fine and five years imprisonment. Victims who had already lost thousands of dollars and several years of liberty to the federal government did not rush to take advantage of the offer. Those who did make claims often received compensation far below actual loss.
CONFISCATIONS FROM JAPANESE-AMERICANS DURING WORLD WAR II QUOTE
Today, there is no trace of the Japanese community that once contributed to development of the fishing industry in Southern California. All of the fishermen's houses and shops have been razed. Possibly the only remaining structure associated with Japanese Americans is the Terminal School, which Japanese school children attended. The building is now used by the U.S. Marine Corps. The former Japanese section of Terminal Island is currently occupied by canneries, oil companies, and warehouses.
Terminal IslandAs to stopping terrorists before they commit crimes. Well that is a tricky and sticky dilemma. However we should be careful about what rights we grant and what guidelines we give to agents trying to stop terrorist attacks when they are dealing with American citizens and visitors on American soil.
I do not agree that being "Muslim-looking" is a good guideline to use to stop and detain people.
I do not agree that people speaking arabic is a good guideline either.
While I agree that many of the terrorists we are seeking are likely to be able to mingle in arab communities in the United States and appear in mosques here before they make a future attack, this does not make blanket policies acceptable.
Suspicious behavior such as extensively and repeatedly photographing Sears tower is suspicious behavior enough. Islamic religious garb or arab speaking should not be included in the collage of suspicious activity. Trained agents should have some latitude in determining suspicious activity based on intangible gut feelings, but it should be things like nervous behavior and a certain look in someone's eyes, not skin color, religious affiliation, or country of origin.
We also should not justify today's suppression of civil liberties based on yesterday's mistakes.
The successes of the Patriot Act do not appear at this time to be fantastic. Some of the so-called successes seem to be using the law applied on a broader scale than targeting terrorism. It is possible that the Patriot Act is a good law or that its intent is good enough to rework it and fine tune it to continue to protect America from the next attack while lessening the impingement on civil liberties. But this type of law is also a dangerous threat to the American way of life and it needs to receive serious and continual scrutiny by patriotic Americans. This type of law needs active public debate, not a carte blanche or blank check approval.
Good article