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I believe that the "right to privacy" as somehow created out of the 14th amendment in "Roe vs. Wade" is the worst sort of judicial activism and was a terrible decision. Not only did it bypass the rights of the states (and the people) but it also failed to recognize that at some point in the baby's gestation period, the fetus becomes a viable human being. No right of "privacy" gives any woman the right to kill their child. Not when it's viable and not when it's 2 years old even if it's a "personal and private" matter.
This demonstrates a profound misunderstanding of the Roe vs. Wade decision.
First, it appears that you don't understand how "privacy" was arrived at as something that needed to be protected. So lets look at that first. We can agree that in general everyone has a Constitutional Right of Privacy, in a general sense, right? Now, privacy is one of those ethereal concepts in hte Constitution: everyone believes in it, yet it is not clearly enumerated. The closest we get to any guarantee of such a right is in the 14th amendment:
nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law. However, starting with the ratification of this amendment it became clear that the state could (and must) protect privacy. Whether or not you agree with this reading is actually irrelevant because the Supreme Court began down this road, and established the legal precedent which is so instrumental to a Common Law system.
Now, where you are taking issue is "personal and private." You are confusing legal concepts here. Roe vs. Wade was struck not to protect a specific right to choose, or to guarantee that people could make private decisions. Rather, what the court was engaged in was a process which is called "Substantive Due Process" (which Hayleyanne could perhaps explain better than I could, but I'll give it a shot anyways... I like my definition of it better anyways.) Substantive Due Process is a legal 'mode' which basically demands that the court look at a right (assuming that it is widely agreed that such a right exists, and note that the right to privacy predated the Roe vs. Wade decision) and determine what exactly is necessary to guarantee that right. In this case, the court considered that for privacy to be protected, a certain "zone of privacy" or a realm into which the government could not extrude except under great duress, is necessary. Naturally, this "zone" included the body. This also was not a new concept; as individual ownership of the body is one of the hallmarks of the Common Law (Hayleyanne and I actually agree on this point.) Without such a zone, our right to privacy amounts to nothing, and therefore we don't have a right to privacy, even if the 14th Amendment (and in parts the 4th) demand it. THAT is what "privacy" means in terms of Roe v. Wade.
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Not only did it bypass the rights of the states (and the people)
The Constitution makes it quite clear that rights enumerated to the people CANNOT be abridged. What it did NOT make clear was that the individual States were also obliged to recognize Constitutionally delineated rights. Because of this, the states were free to (and often did) ignore the Bill of Rights. That was one of the reasons the 14th amendment was drafted. It establishes in concrete terms what the Constitution implied in general: an individual's rights (as specified by the Constitution) are inalienable, and cannot be abridged. Neither the States, nor the people, can enact laws that violate an individuals liberty. The only way that a right can be abridged is through a Constitutional amendment. Now, of course there are 'grey areas,' but these areas are the jurisdiction of the courts. Regardless of the way that some of our members deify the legislature, the court is the correct body for interpretting where one right ends and another begins. Now, in regards to your specific objection: that's just not true. Individual states CANNOT write law restricting the rights of individuals; and since were no state laws that considered a fetus a person, (and I don't know if any have them now), states have no standing to protect 'their rights.' As such, the 14th amendment makes it pretty clear that hte States cannot restrict rights. That has nothing to do with Blackmun, Renquist, or any of the judges who ruled on Roe v. Wade, and everything to do with the most basic understanding of the 14th amendment.
Of course, if we are to accept your "understanding" then a state could for example pass a law stating that men are not allowed to, I don't know, live past the age of 50. Of course such a law would be unconstitutional: but according to your logic, it would be ok because the States (and the democratic bodies therein) have rights paramount to the Federal government. You're ignoring the must fundamental principle of the Constitution I'm afraid: the rights of the individual are paramount, and cannot be violated by the Federal government or the states.
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but it also failed to recognize that at some point in the baby's gestation period, the fetus becomes a viable human being.
Ok, this leads me to believe that you've never even read Roe vs. Wade. It's nothing to be ashamed of, but you should really go read it. It does exactly what you say it fails to do.
This is from page 164 (I think, the pagination from my source was weird) Roe vs. Wade (found at this
site):
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This means, on the other hand, that, for the period of pregnancy prior to this "compelling" point, the attending physician, in consultation with his patient, is free to determine, without regulation by the State, that, in his medical judgment, the patient's pregnancy should be terminated. If that decision is reached, the judgment may be effectuated by an abortion free of interference by the State.
With respect to the State's important and legitimate interest in potential life, the "compelling" point is at viability. This is so because the fetus then presumably has the capability of meaningful life outside the mother's womb. State regulation protective of fetal life after viability thus has both logical and biological justifications. If the State is interested in protecting fetal life after viability, it may go so far as to proscribe abortion [p164] during that period, except when it is necessary to preserve the life or health of the mother.
So, yeah, you're obviously quite wrong in this part of your argument. If you don't believe me though you can also read the decision's syllabus:
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# 3. State criminal abortion laws, like those involved here, that except from criminality only a life- saving procedure on the mother's behalf without regard to the stage of her pregnancy and other interests involved violate the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, which protects against state action the right to privacy, including a woman's qualified right to terminate her pregnancy. Though the State cannot override that right, it has legitimate interests in protecting both the pregnant woman's health and the potentiality of human life, each of which interests grows and reaches a "compelling" point at various stages of the woman's approach to term. Pp. 147-164.
* (a) For the stage prior to approximately the end of the first trimester, the abortion decision and its effectuation must be left to the medical judgment of the pregnant woman's attending physician. Pp. 163, 164.
* (

For the stage subsequent to approximately the end of the first trimester, the State, in promoting its interest in the health of the mother, may, if it chooses, regulate the abortion procedure in ways that are reasonably related to maternal health. Pp. 163, 164.
* © For the stage subsequent to viability the State, in promoting its interest in the potentiality of human life, may, if it chooses, regulate, and even proscribe, abortion except where necessary, in appropriate medical judgment, for the preservation of the life or health of the mother. Pp. 163-164; 164-165.
Certainly looks like viability, and the progress of pregnancy is considered. I wonder what decision you were looking at...